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Two extracts from THE WEEK  17 June 2000



The word 'liberal' has come to mean the opposite of what it used to mean. It 
used to imply generosity and tolerance. Nowadays, as Minette Marrin observed 
in The Daily Telegraph last week, it is more often used to describe a 
'guilt-ridden, sybaritic statist' or a 'patronising suburbanite'. In recent 
years, she argues, the word has been 'transmogrified' - one example of this 
new usage being William Hague's condemnation of the so-called 'liberal elite" 
in this country. 

What has happened is that in the name of liberalism something very illiberal 
has grown up. It has become known as political correctness, a rigid orthodoxy 
which had its roots in liberalism but now seeks to dictate what we think, 
feel and do. Its "insidious, pervasive ideas" have become ingrained in 
British public life. One example was the Walsall Jobcentre refusing to allow 
the words "enthusiastic and hardworking' to appear in a recruitment ad 
because they might be seen as discriminating against disabled people. But the 
same attitude is 'rampant' everywhere. In the name of "disability rights, or 
equal opportunities, or respect for the underprivileged, or race and gender 
grievances... a great mountain of legislation, requirements, guidelines and 
general bossiness has been thrown up'. This is the "enemy without an 
identity' that has infiltrated schools, undermined the teaching of history 
and 'dried up this country's folk memory'. It is certainly insidious. But it 
has nothing to do with liberalism. We should stop pretending it does.         
 

Jolyon Connell 


Well said Sir,  KP



Controversy of the week 
Hunting in peril 

Lord Burns must feel mortified, said The Times. Last November he was asked by 
Home Secretary Jack Straw to conduct an inquiry into hunting. His findings 
were supposed to inform debate and substitute sober analysis for heated 
passion and prejudice. Last week, after spending months and L6OO,OOO on his 
fact-finding mission, Burns submitted his report. Yet before it had even 
landed on his desk, Straw announced that the Government would be bringing 
forward its own bill, allowing for an outright ban, in the next session of 
Parliament. To call for evidence and then reveal there is no chance of 
letting the facts get in the way of politics is an extraordinary piece of 
arrogance even by this government's standards, said The Times. It clearly has 
"less to do with hunting than with the hustings". 

No doubt about that, said Matthew d'Ancona in The Sunday Telegraph. Labour's 
manifesto- committee, and Mo Mowlam in particular, have persuaded Blair that 
although a ban might cause outrage and risk civil disobedience, this will be 
outweighed by its populist appeal, especially among urban Labour voters. The 
pity of it, said the Ff, is that Burns really did offer an objective 
analysis, debunking the propaganda of both sides. He undermined, for example, 
the Countryside Alliance's claim that 15,000 jobs would be at risk - the more 
likely figure is 3,500 to 4,500 - and disputed the argument that hunting is a 
uniquely important form of pest control. But he also took issue with the idea 
that hunting is the preserve of toffs; in fact, most participants are working 
farmers. Burns's admirably dispassionate report has certainly strengthened my 
change of heart on the issue, said Anne McElvoy in The Independent. I used to 
be convinced by the libertarian case made by Voltaire: that even if we 
disapprove of a minority activity, "we should give our lives' to support the 
freedom of the minority that enjoys it. But that argument doesn't wash when 
the activity in question involves extreme cruelty, which hunting, as Burns 
shows, does. No reason- able person doubts that banning bear-baiting was an 
act of progress. The same is true of hunting. But any reasonable person also 
knows that the fox, unlike the bear         'is a pest, said Simon Jenkins in 
The Times. The issue isn't whether the fox suffers. It is how much more it 
suffers from hunting as opposed to other methods of pest control. And on this 
matter, Burns ties himself in knots trying to make up his mind. Here he is, 
for example, on the method of digging out a fox with dogs and shooting it: 
"Although there is no firm evidence, we are satisfied that [this method] 
involves a serious compromise of its welfare.' What gibberish. Of course 
death 'compromises the welfare' of the fox. Yet though Burns nowhere shows 
that hunting with dogs is more cruel than the alternatives, he suggests it 
should be stopped. In a civilised society it should take more than his 
lordship's 'satisfaction without firm evidence" to justify the suppression of 
civil liberty. 


The first paragraph - shades of Cullen



Kenneth Pantling
Nock's Grim Truth - In proportion as you give the State power to do things 
for you, you give it power to do things to you; and the State invariably 
makes as little as it can of the one power and as much as it can of the 
other. 

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