I think that a reply to the account of _The Organic Machine_ and _Our
Natural History_, as presented by Richard Bernstein in a recent New York
Times review, is in order to the extent that it is illustrative
of a variety of problems explicitly critiqued by some ecofeminists.
First of all, the account is clearly made in a universalizing, totalizing
voice. Not only does Bernstein presume to assess the depth and breadth
of the present environmental community ("there may be fewer people out
there longing for the restoration of Muirian wilderness than these
writers believe"), he assumes the centrality, in fact the exclusivity, of
the current Western industrial paradigm ("the lesson is that human
intervention of a kind of post-Emersonian type is inevitable and
necessary"), in effect completely excluding the viewpoints of others (such
as those of indigenous peoples) who may think otherwise, driving home his
cultural hegemony by emphasizing the "common-sense" and "dogma-free" nature
of the authors' positions.
His expressed agreement with these writers' views of nonhumans is no less
dismissive and exclusionary. Instead of granting their consideration
as "other nations," as Plumwood and others allow, they are seen as mere
props for the ongoing (Western, white, male) human drama: as a result of
the human transformation of the landscape, according to White, salmon are
artificially maintained as "a cultural talisman," not as beings with as
much right to exist as we have, and (with implicit disapproval) "all at
enormous expense." Likewise, because "nature itself is always changing,"
Botkin is quick to reject a "goal" of restoring species like the bison
and the grizzly to a "'natural'" population, "because there is no such
thing," and instead we are instructed to seek the "minimum viable"
numbers of such creatures. But why should we humans reign supreme over
everything beyond what is required for the "minimum" number needed to
avoid extinction? In a recent paper, J. Baird Callicott has pointed out
that issues of spatial and temporal scale figure into the rightness or
wrongness of anthropogenic ecological changes. Surely the "scale" of
change wrought upon many nonhuman populations--such as the destruction of
99% of the grizzly bears that once inhabited the continental United
States over a couple of centuries--leaving remnant populations that may,
in fact, not even be viable in the long term--is indicative of a wrong, a
historical domination of the grizzly "nation" akin to and interlinked
with the historical decimation and domination of the Indian nations that
once inhabited the same region. Would an attempt by representatives of the
dominant culture to maintain "minimum viable" populations of what it might
similarly conceive of as human "cultural talismans" be morally
acceptable, just as their very decimation might be construed not as
genocide but as merely another example of the "changing, uncertain, and
hazardous" character of the "natural" world?
Yes, nature is dynamic, always undergoing change, and yes, not only was
the "nature" first viewed by "that intrepid pair" Lewis and Clark in part
a product of indigenous human alteration, but our ideas of "nature" and
"wilderness" are themselves social constructions. However, were we to
overcome our dualistic thinking enough to back away from conceiving of
the world around us as *either* pristine "nature-the-pure" *or* nature
fully open to "human transformation," we might begin to appreciate the
locations of different things on a *continuum* of social constructedness;
and we might then further see that, while "nature" is somewhat
constructed, institutions such as "private property" or the New York
Stock Exchange are much more highly constructed, and, as the sorts of
things driving the proliferation of our ecological problems, *these*
are the structures that should much more appropriately be the targets of
our "transformation" than the world of "nature."
Ronnie Hawkins
>From [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sat Jul 29 14:43:26 1995
by VAXF.COLORADO.EDU (PMDF V5.0-3 #8140)
29 Jul 1995 14:37:58 -0600 (MDT)
Date: Sat, 29 Jul 1995 23:30:31 +0530 (IST)
From: Lea Wittenberg <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Looking for ideas for a Green educational project
In-reply-to: Your message of Fri, 28 Jul 1995 18:57:58 MDT
To: STUDIES IN WOMEN AND ENVIRONMENT <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Hi all.
We, at the 'GreenAction' are trying to create a green aducational project (for
schools) dealing with environmental issues. Could you help me with ideas???
(Sorry, I'm just a geomorphologist...) We want to form a program that will
actually attract the students to the importance of the topic, without falling
into the 'academic' trap of talking and lecturing (things we are good at...)
Instead, we want to show them how to DO things, how to build a better
environment in their everyday life, and through this to lead them to a general
'green' awareness. BUT, as I said, I have no experience neither in grassroots
working nor in school projects. From reading most of the correspondence I
understood that some of you work in those fields. I will be gratefull to hear
from you and learn from your practice.
Thanks for your time!
Lea Wittenberg, Geography Department, University of Haifa, Israel.
e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>From [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sat Jul 29 18:14:59 1995
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Michael Golden)
Subject: July 29th Mumia demo--Salt Lake City (fwd)
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Sat, 29 Jul 95 17:17:45 PDT
Forwarded message:
Date: Sat, 29 Jul 1995 17:10:36 -0400
Reply-To: Progressive News & Views List <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sender: Progressive News & Views List <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
From: PNEWS <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: July 29th Mumia demo--Salt Lake City
From: Luther Gaylord x341366 <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1995
12:00 NOON
UNITED STATES FEDERAL COURTHOUSE
350 SOUTH MAIN STREET
SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH
STOP THE MURDER OF AN INNOCENT MAN!
On June 2, 1995, Pennsylvania Governor Thomas Ridge signed a death
warrant ordering that radical black journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal be
executed on August 17th at 10:00 pm.
A leader of the Black Panthers in his teens and later a supporter of the
Philadelphia MOVE group, Mumia Abu-Jamal's hard-hitting exposes of racism
and police brutality in Philadelphia throughout the 1970s earned him the
respect of the African-American community and the hatred of the police.
In 1982, he was framed and sentenced to death for shooting a police officer.
To demonstrate the political motivation behind his case, his supporters
point out that there was neither physical evidence nor any credible
witness linking him to the crime. As noted civil liberties attorney and
leader of Mumia's legal team Leonard Weinglass pointed out at a June 3rd
press conference, "Mumia Abu-Jamal never had a trial. Evidence was
suppressed, witnesses were coerced, black jurors were purged." A motion
for a stay of execution filed on June 5th documents nineteen
constitutional violations during Mumia's "trial" and presents new
evidence based on eyewitnesses as well as a re-examination of medical and
ballistics reports which tear apart the prosecution's bogus case.
Mumia should not have spent a day in jail, and we must fight today to
prevent his murder. If we sit by and allow Mumia Abu-Jamal to be
executed because he dared to report on police brutality, because he dared
to interview members of MOVE, because he dared to speak out, we risk
surrendering our own ability to speak out.
ANY PERSON AT ALL CONCERNED ABOUT JUSTICE MUST ACT NOW TO STOP MUMIA'S
EXECUTION!
Demonstrations have already taken place in Philadelphia, New York, San
Francisco, Minneapolis, and over 40 other cities in the U.S. and around
the world. Governor Ridge has already received over 20,000 faxes,
letters and cards opposing the execution.
The next focal point in the struggle to save Mumia Abu-Jamal will be an
international day of protest on Saturday, July 29th. Local supporters
have planned a demonstration at the Federal Courthouse in Salt Lake City
to coincide with protests in hundreds of other cities that day.
WHAT YOU CAN DO:
(1) Continue to phone and fax the judges in involved this case, demanding a
stay of execution and the recusal of Judge Albert Sabo (more information
concerning Judge Sabo below).
Judge Albert Sabo
1286 Wanamaker, Philadelphia PA 19107
phone: 215-686-5100 fax: 215-563-1623
Judge Legrome Davis, Criminal Section Supervising Judge
1408 One East Penn. Square, Philadelphia PA 19107
phone: 215-686-9534 fax: 215-686-2865
Judge Alex Bonavitacola, Administrative Judge
516 City Hall, Philadelphia PA 19107
phone: 215-686-3770 fax: 215-567-7328
(2) Phone and fax Governor Ridge's office, demanding that he withdraw the
death warrant.
Governor Thomas Ridge
Main Capitol Building Room 225
Harrisburg PA 17120
phone: 717-787-2500 fax: 717-783-3369
(3) COME TO THE JULY 29th DEMONSTRATION AT THE FEDERAL COURTHOUSE. WE
NEED YOU THERE!
For more information call 485-1969 or 532-3041 in Salt Lake City,
627-6547 in Ogden, or e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
=============================================================
The Judge Who Became Death Row's King: Philadelphia's Judge Sabo
In Philadelphia, a "trial depends literally on what judge the case is
assigned to," admits Mayor and former District Attorney Ed Rendell.
Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas Judge Albert Sabo's record illustrates
Rendell's point like no other. Called "his own jurisdiction" by one
defense attorney, Sabo has sentenced more people to death (31 total) than
any other judge in the county.
For 14 years, from 1978 until 1991, Sabo served on a select panel of
judges hearing exclusively homicide cases. This Homicide Unit is unique
to Philadelphia. In virtually every other jurisdiction, judges hear a
random mix of cases. It is commonly held that hearing only murder cases
can lead to a hardened and even brutal perspective.
Sabo is an icon of the 'hanging judge' and Philadelphia's wanton use of
the death. Nationwide, only Los Angeles and Houston have sentenced more
people to death.
Sabo has heard fewer homicide cases than many of his colleagues and still
ended up with far more death sentences. He has had more of his capital
cases reversed on appeal than any other judge (11 total). But in a
system where the district attorney seeks the death penalty in well over
half all homicide cases, the judge has served an important purpose: he
efficiently dispensed of the grisliest and most controversial of cases
which would have backed-up the dockets of his more evenhanded colleagues.
This explains how Sabo came to be assigned to the highly publicized
case of African American journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal. Convicted in 1982
and sentenced to death for the murder of a Philadelphia police officer,
Mumia's case is a painful example of Sabo's style of justice.
Racism
When experts talk about Philadelphia's racist use of the death penalty,
many point to Judge Sabo. Ninety-one of the 103 people sentenced to
death in Philadelphia are people of color. Only two of the 31 people
Sabo sentenced to death are white.
Philadelphia's DA's office has a reputation for excluding black people
from juries, a practice strictly forbidden by the U.S. Supreme Court in
Boston v. Kentucky. A U.S. magistrate found that one Assistant DA
actually "kept a running tabulation of the number of blacks left on the
jury after each challenged was exercised" while not striking one white
juror for any reason. The same DA testified before Congress that such
racism was not a problem in Pennsylvania.
Sabo's handling of Mumia's case illustrates such discrimination. He
rejected a defense request to place the race of prospective jurors on the
record in an attempt to document the prosecution's use of racially
motivated peremptory challenges. This means there is no trial record of
the 11 of 16 potential black jurors excluded without cause by the
prosecution. But when Mumia excluded a black juror because of his law
enforcement background, Sabo asked him to state his race for the record.
Sabo also replaced one of the three seated black jurors with a white man
without allowing her to answer to charges that she had violated a court
order that the jury remain sequestered. Later, when he faced a similar
problem of a white male juror, the judge was accommodating, adjourning
court for a half day so that a court attendant could accompany him to a
civil service exam.
Further, Sabo failed to set a tone of tolerance in the courtroom. The
judge ended Mumia's questioning of jurors during jury selection with
claims he was making them nervous. The one juror who expressed
nervousness claimed that she did not like Mumia's hair, which he wore in
dreadlocks. Rather than instructing her to respect his appearance, Sabo
ruled with the prosecution's request that the Judge take over the
questioning, stripping Mumia of his right to represent himself
Hostility Towards the Defense
The Philadelphia Inquirer deemed Sabo a "defendant's nightmare." A 1983
survey found that over one third of attorneys thought Sabo was
unqualified to be a judge. Revealing his anti-defense bias, Sabo
responded to the survey by stating that if he were a defense attorney, "I
wouldn't vote for me either."
Sabo has earned a reputation of using contempt to coerce defense
witnesses and attorneys. In Mumia's case, Sabo held court-imposed
defense attorney Anthony Jackson in contempt and imposed a six-month
sentence when Jackson had followed Mumia's instruction and refused to
offer questions for prospective jurors. This situation further
heightened tensions between Jackson and Mumia. When Mumia repeatedly
protested the court's insistence that an ill-prepared Jackson continue,
Sabo banished him from the proceedings with a crude, "Take a hike."
"Your honor," Mumia pleaded with an increasingly hostile Sabo, "you're
behaving in a way to get me killed, to get me convicted."
Favoring Prosecutors
It is not unusual for a prosecutor to have to warn Sabo he is going too
far to support it's side. The prosecutor in Mumia's case found the
contempt ruling against Jackson (above) so outrageous that he actually
came to his aid. At his urging, Sabo dropped the charge against Jackson.
Little wonder that one of Sabo's colleagues has called his courtroom "a
vacation for prosecutors." A Philadelphia Inquirer review of 35 of Sabo's
trials found that "through his comments, his rulings and his instructions
to the jury, [Sabo] has favored prosecutors."
The state's case against Mumia rested heavily on the testimony of
eyewitnesses and Sabo's rulings often favored the prosecution. For
instance, he refused to allow the defense to cross-examine damaging
testimony from prosecution witness Robert Chobert, who had retracted his
initial statement which exonerated Mumia. Chobert was still on probation
for a felony conviction. He cut short the defense's questioning of its
own witness, Veronica Jones, despite her serious charges that the
prosecution's central witness, Cynthia White, was offered a deal--she
could work the streets as a prostitute without fear of arrest in exchange
for fingering Mumia.
In addition, Sabo refused to postpone the proceedings so that the defense
could call as a witness arresting officer Wakshul, whose police report
stated that Mumia made no statement. Though a police document had
forbidden it, the officer was "on vacation" at the time of the trial.
Instead of scolding the prosecution for losing a key defense witness,
Sabo again taunted Mumia with the comment: "you and your attorney goofed."
Political Persecution
Sabo failed to instruct the jury about how character witnesses could
mitigate a death sentence. But he allowed the prosecution to impeach the
integrity of character witness Sonia Sanchez, by cross examining her
about her political associations.
During the sentencing phase of the trial, Sabo allowed the state to use
Mumia's teenage membership in the Black Panther Party to argue for the
death penalty. Adding to the lynch-mob mentality, the prosecutor told
the jury that the people of Philadelphia "demand" a conviction in this
highly publicized case.
Sabo's association with the police alone should require him to recuse
himself from Mumia Abu-Jamal's case. For 16 years, he served as the
Under-Sheriff of Philadelphia County, and has had a lifelong association
with the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police, who are vehemently
lobbying for Mumia's execution.
(Sources available from Equal Justice USA.)
Equal Justice USA
PO Box 5206, Hyattsville MD 20782
phone: 301-699-0042 fax: 301-864-2182
International Concerned Friends and Family of Mumia Abu-Jamal
PO Box 19709, Philadelphia PA 19143
phone: 215-476-8812
Prison Activist Resource Center
PO Box 3201 Berkeley CA 94703
phone: 510-845-8813 fax: 510-845-8816
e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
--
Michael Golden
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Department of Biology
Grossmont College
8800 Grossmont College Drive
El Cajon, CA 92020
619-465-1700 x332
