AFRICA: THE SCRAMBLE FOR A CONTINENT (Financial Times (UK)) 

A century ago European nations were competing to carve up Africa,
establishing spheres of influence that last to this day. But now the
familiar pattern is starting to unravel, writes Mark Turner 

When France and Britain met in St Malo last December and launched a
joint approach to Africa, many observers doubted that more than a
century of competition for economic and political influence could
suddenly be replaced by co-operation. 

Yet this week Robin Cook, the British foreign secretary, and Hubert
V�drine, the French foreign minister, are paying the first joint visit
to Ghana and the Ivory Coast. 

In Abidjan, French and British ambassadors to Africa will discuss how to
put into practice the St Malo call for policy harmonisation, information
exchange and even joint representation where only one partner boasts an
outpost. 

The new message has yet to get through to everyone. Businessmen and
diplomats from both sides of the divide in Africa remain as joyfully
suspicious of each other as ever, and take an almost childish glee in
each other's difficulties. 

This is well demonstrated by the underlying sense of competition which
has characterised recent inroads by France into Kenya, the heart of
British influence in East Africa, and a parallel British push into the
Ivory Coast. 

The newly revamped Maison Fran�aise in Nairobi - a temple to Parisian
chic - is an eloquently high-profile testament to France's push for more
influence in East Africa, and is home to large new regional development
and research centres. 
"We are promoting a real image of contemporary France," says Mehdi
Drissi, the centre's energetic director. "We promote our culture through
plays, singers, university exchanges. The Alliance Fran�aise [language
school] here has 5,000 students, making it second worldwide: only New
York is ahead." 

President Jacques Chirac underlined his country's move beyond
traditional boundaries in no uncertain terms when nearly all Anglophone
African leaders attended the recent France-Africa summit. France claims
that although its commitment to French Africa is as great as ever, it
wants to move away from its old concept of the "backyard" and take a
more holistic view of the continent. 

Half a continent away, the British are making a less colourful but
equally vigorous push into the Ivory Coast, West Africa's most vibrant
economy. The UK last year was the country's second largest investor,
after France, with companies from British Airways and Framlington to
Crocodile Machetes moving in over the past few years, and has been
raising its profile with trade missions and fairs. 
"We want to get away from the idea that somehow there are countries that
are outside our interests in West Africa," said Tony Lloyd, the Foreign
Office's minister for Africa, on a recent trip to the country. 

At the heart of each country's efforts is a recognition that they could
be missing out on some big commercial opportunities on the other's
patch. France and Britain (to a lesser extent) continue to dominate
trade relations with their former colonies, but are making inroads
across the divide. In Kenya, exports from both countries have risen
considerably over the past five years, with the UK up almost 80 per cent
and France up 40 per cent from 1993 to 1997. In the Ivory Coast British
exports almost doubled over the same period, albeit from a much lower
relative base, while French exports rose by a little over 30 per cent. 

The St Malo meeting, however, appears to mark a recognition by both
governments that a new scramble for Africa would both be damaging and
difficult - especially at a time when the US is making increasing
inroads into the continent, and new competition emerges from East Asia
and South Africa. 

The question is why they are taking a bilateral rather than an European
approach, when the EU is becoming more assertive in commerce and
politics. 

The answer seems to lie in the hands of technocrats who are suspicious
of sharing influence with countries with little or no history on the
continent, and which hope to capitalise on Franco-British networks to
promote their own trade and development strategies. 

Despite recent cutbacks, France and Britain retain substantial and
privileged links to the continent and are loath to see them eroded. 
Paris in particular has maintained a strong role as benevolent guardian
of former colonies: by direct, although declining, military support
(with bases in Djibouti and Chad), unwavering political support for
Francophone African leaders, and a guarantee for the currency of 14
countries in central and western Africa, the CFA franc. There are
114,000 French nationals living on the continent, French culture is
dominant in West Africa, and Paris is the world's largest contributor of
aid to Africa, devoting FFr18.7bn (E2.85bn, $3.1bn) in 1997. 

Britain also boasts almost 140,000 nationals in Africa, gave �348m
($560m) in aid from 1996-7, and has improved its ties with African
members of the Commonwealth considerably since the days of dispute over
how to end apartheid in South Africa. Educational links are strong, and
the UK maintains a small military force in Kenya, backed by regular
exercises. 
If the old rivals do manage to set aside a hundred years of history, and
pool their resources on an increasingly troubled and isolated continent,
they would offer a formidable opponent to any new upstarts looking for a
piece of the pie. 

But given the mutual suspicion that remains, it may take more than a few
joint visits to cement the alliance. 
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