I’d said:

WV is much more strategy-free. The difference is unidirectional.

Juho replies:

I doubt the unidirectionality. I think the example I gave (Sincere votes: 49:A, 49:BC, 1:CB. Strategic votes: 49:A, 49:BC, 1:CA.) was an example of a situation where WV is vulnerable to a strategy and margins is not.

I reply:

It’s always possible to contrive an example that affects one method but not another.

But margins has a much worse problem with offensive order-reversal than wv does. As I said, in wv, offensive order-reversal can always be thwarted by merely not ranking the perpetrators’ candidate.

The criterion SDSC describes wv’s advantage in that regard. In margins, to prevent the offensive order-reversal from succeeding, drastic defensive strategy is often necessary, such as defensive favorite-burial.

I was answering on these matters well before the EM mailing list began. Another thing: A few years ago, a margins advocate kept making references to game theory. So I finally said, “If we’re going to invoke game theory, then let’s apply it.” I pointed out that, when there’s a CW, in wv elections, there’s always a Nash equilibrium in which the CW wins and no one reverses a preference. But in margins there are situations in which the only Nash equilibria involve order-reversal, even when there’s a CW.

Juho continues:

Quoting me:

> But Minmax only scores the candidate according to his worst defeat. > That doesn’t tell what it would take to get rid of all of his > defeats and make him the CW.

Juho replies:

I think minmax(margins) does give information on how many votes a candidates needs to become a Condorcet winner. I'll use an example to visualize what I meant. A loses to B 40-50. A loses to C 30-45. A wins all the other candidates. If there would be 16 additional voters that would rank A first the 30-45 defeat would change to a 46-45 win and the 40-50 defeat would change to a 56-50 win. 15 additional voters would be too little and 17th additional voter is not needed. One thus needs to add one to the worst margins defeat of a candidate to get the number of additional voters that the candidate needs to become a Condorcet winner.

I reply:

But it won’t do to only talk about when that candidate could be first-ranked by those people. In general the CW might not be first ranked by them. That someone ranks A over one candidate, in general doesn’t mean that s/he will rank A over another candidate. So to find out what it would take to make A the CW, in general, would be to add up how many pair-wise preference votes would have to be changed, summed over all the voters, to make A the CW. That’s Dodgson, or something very similar.

In general, looking at A’s worse pair-wise defeat isn’t enough.

I’d said:

One of the advantages of wv over margins is that, in wv, offensive > order-reversal is easily thwarted by simply not ranking the > reversers’ candidate.

Juho replies:

Does this mean that voters that are not sure what strategies other voters will use but who believe that strategies will be used should bullet vote their own favourite? :-)

I reply:

<smiley> In margins, to protect the CW from offensive order-reversal, it’s often necessary for people to whom the CW isn’t favorite to rank the CW alone in 1st place, above their own favorite, so that someone worse won’t win by offensive order-reversal.

Quite so, with wv, if they believe that their favorite is CW, and if they expect others to offensively order-reverse, then yes, they should only rank their putative CW. An advantage here is they they needn’t know which direction the offensive order-reversal will come from, from which end of the political spectrum. They don’t have to know who will reverse. Merely knowing that it’s a very devious electorate and that someone is likely to offensively order-reverse is all they need to know.

In general, in a devious electorate, try not to rank below the likely CW, especially if it is your favorite. Better yet, of course, use ARLO and power truncation, to all but eliminate the problem.

But the penalty for unsuccessful offensive order-reversal is such that it probably won’t be happening, and won’t be a problem.




Juho continues:

As I said, I'd prefer sincere ballots to strategic defences.

I reply:

So do I. That’s why I wrote the defensive strategy criteria, to show which methods best allow sincere voting. SSD(wv) passes all of the majority defensive strategy criteria. Margins methods fail all of them.

I’d said:

> Offensive order-reversal, the only thing that could cause a > strategy problem in wv (truncation causes a strategy problem in > margins), requires lots of co-ordination, many strategic voters and > has great risk of failure--especially in wv, where it’s so easily > thwarted, merely by not ranking the perpetrators’ candidate. > > In margins, a CW could be defeated by truncation even if it is > inadvertent, lazy, hurried, or otherwise non-strategic. But of > course the election could be stolen from the CW by strategically- > intended truncation too, in margins.

Juho replies:

I think the best way forward would be to give practical examples of situations where the methods fail due to strategic voting. This would demonstrate that the theoretic vulnerabilities are also practical vulnerabilities. And this gives us the opportunity to estimate the probabilities too. Maybe you can provide an example that demonstrates some really bad case where margins fail.

I reply:

I’d be glad to. I’ve posted those examples many times since the EM list began. I’ve posted them for every “generation” of EM membership. I’ll post them again in a subsequent posting.

Juho continues:

I'll try to do the same for winning votes. I have no intention to prove that winning votes would be worse than margins in all scenarios. I'd like to see them roughly at the same level with respect to vulnerability to strategies.

I reply:

You’ll find that it isn’t like that.

Juho continues:

In addition to that I hope that the strategy related problems would stay at levels where they are not a probable threat in typical large scale public elections.

I reply:

You know that, in countries that use Plurality strategy is rampant. It’s discussed and recommended, virtually coerced, by the media. As people find out about margins’ strategy needs, they’ll publicize and recommend them.

I was once conducting a pair-wise-count vote in an organizational meeting. (It was a group that liked IRV, and the better Condorcet versions hadn’t been proposed yet, and IRV was going to be the circular tie solution).

It was evident that the compromise was going to be the CW. One participant, when it was his turn to vote, truncated his ranking, leaving the CW out, saying, “I don’t have to vote between that pair.” (referring to the CW and the candidate he liked less). He knew that he could keep the compromise, the CW, from winning as CW. He wanted to throw it into a circular tie so that his favorite would have a chance of winning.

That was explicit intentional offensive truncation, a strategy that would be a major problem with any Condorcet version except for the wv methods.

What, you ask, was the outcome of the vote? I believe that that voter wasn’t sufficient to make a circular tie. The CW was going to win as CW in spite of his offensive truncation. So the supporters of his alternative walked out of the meeting. There were two of them. On their way home from the meeting they stopped at a café and wrote a proposal of their own, which they promoted, since they didn’t like what the coalition was choosing.

Juho continues:

Since US presidential elections are a well known study item on this list I propose to use that framework (nation wide Condorcet election).

I reply:

Well, you know, we just happen to have a presidential poll posted to EM <smiley>

Juho continues:

Here's my example. It is in principle the same one I already used but now presented as a bit more realistic scenario. We have three candidates: D=Democrat, C=CentristRepublican, R=RightWingRepublican. I don't have any small party candidates, and that's maybe a deviation from realism, but let's do this simple scenario first. Sincere votes: 21: D 21: DC 03: DR 03: CD 26: CR 26: RC Many Democratic voters truncated since they were not interested in the Republican party internal battle between R and C. The R supporters note that they could vote RD and get R elected (with winning votes). They spread the word among the R supporters and press too to reach the required number of voters. 6 out of the 26 R supporters follow the recommended strategy (=> 20: RC, 06: RD). R wins (with winning votes). Is this scenario a credible real life scenario?

I reply:

In wv, I doubt it. Notice that the only reason why the R can succeed at that is because the C are helping R. As I said, the only way you can succeed in stealing the election by offensive order-reversal is if your victims are trying to help you. How’s that for something to be proud of?

Juho continued:

Do you expect 6 out of the 26 R supporters to vote strategically? Opinions will be different in the poll that was used for planning the strategy and in the actual election. Does that make the strategy less credible?

I reply:

Yes. Offensive order-reversal isn’t a natural way of voting, and it would require organization and public discussion. It would be impossible to conceal it from its intended victims, who’d then be unlikely to rank R.

With margins, the defense is much more drastic--defensive favorite-burial.

Juho continued:

Is there a risk that this strategy would backfire?

I reply:

Certainly. If the intend victims don’t try to help the perpetrators, helping with their own victimization, the offensive order-reversal will fail, and will result in an outcome worse for the reversers than the CW.

With margins: Truncation, whether strategic, lazy, hurried, or whatever, will often defeat C.W.s. To avoid that, voters will be advised to use insincere defensive strategies instead of ranking sincerely.

Mike Ossipoff


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