I’d said:

What an elaborate counterfactual story. It’s amazing what lengths to which some people will go, to make Plurality fail Condorcet’s Criterion without mentioning preference.

I've already answered about that. It's based on a privileged balloting system. My criteria make no mention of any balloting system.

Though you go to great lengths to avoid mentioning preferences, you don't mind saying that the voter intends to vote a ranking, when s/he votes in Plurality. I've talked to voters, and many of them are adamantly opposed to any voting system other than Plurality. They don't intend to vote a ranking when they vote Plurality. And that's only part of the counterfactual nature of your fictitious-rankings system of criteria.



Chris now replies:

Mike, notice that I specified that the voters' intended ranking is "maybe truncated". It doesn't matter if the voters subjectively don't have "rank" in their vocabulary: those that plan to cast a valid Plurality vote intend to rank a single candidate above all others.

I reply:

No, that isn’t good enough. For FARCS to work, it must be that sometimes the “intended” ranking of the Plurality voter is _not_ truncated below first choice. So then you’re saying that the voter, coming to a Plurality election, intends to vote a ranking. And you can’t use your story of voters who thought they were coming to a Condorcet election, because your Plurality voter has, in first place, in his intended ranking, the candidate he’s voting for in the actual Plurality balloting. It doesn’t make any sense. As I said, the “intended rankings” can’t be intended, even in principle, and they have no real-world interpretation.


Chris continues:

Whatever balloting system is used all votes (that make any distinction among the candidates) contain some (logically implicit) ranking data and there is no other type of data that they all contain, so I can't see that your reference to a "privileged balloting
system" is a meaningful criticism.

I reply:

Ranking is present in all balloting systems if you substitute, for “votes X over Y”, “ranks X over Y”. You’re ignoring that “if”.

Ok, but it’s true that all balloting systems receive some candidate ordering.

But my criteria don’t need to mention any balloting system.

And FARCS, too, needs the definition of voting X over Y.


Kevin continues:

Mike apparently didn't think that I or Kevin had properly defined Kevin's way of applying criteria

I reply:

I hadn’t seen such a definition. So I wrote one. I later realized that it was necessary to use my sincere voting definition, as described above. When I posted about that, Kevin had already posted about the same fact, though I hadn’t yet read that posting.

Here is my attempt at a definition of the Venzke approach to applying criteria with Mike-satisfying precision:

I  reply:

That definition, below, does not have precision that satisfies me.

My word-processor is having trouble with the format of this posting. There may be almost a full blank page below, before Chris’s definitions starts.



                Chris wrote:

Venzke rules for demonstrating a voting method's failure of criterion X:

Criteria are written in the form of "if A, then B" where A refers to some stipulation about the votes and B refers to
something about the election result that must happen.

It is assumed that the voters have an 'intended ranking' of the candidates that may be truncated and/or include some above-bottom equal ranking. By definition, if the balloting rules allow the voters to fully express this ranking then
that is what the voters will do.

I reply:

Not good. You’re explicitly stating one rule for rank methods and a different rule for nonrank methods. It was to avoid that that I and Kevin both independently suggested using my sincere voting definition as the way to say what ballots are permissible, given a certain ranking.

When it is done that way, there is one rule for all methods, regardless of their balloting.

Here is the separate rule that Chris would apply to nonrank methods:
If the balloting rules don't allow the voters to fully express their intended ranking, then we assume that the voters vote to express as much of it as the balloting rules allow, giving priority to expressing as many of their intended strict pairwise preferences as possible followed by expressing as many of their intended pairwise equal-preferenes
(indifferences) as possible.

I reply:

That is completely vague. For a definite rule, say it as I did:

The failure-example writer can, for any particular voter, write that voter’s actual ballot in any way that complies with these two rules:

1. The actual ballot may not vote X over Y if that voter’s “intended ranking” ranks Y over X.

2. If the voter’s actual ballot votes X over Y, and his ranking ranks X over Y, then that ballot is “voting an ordering in the intended ranking”.

The actual ballot must not fail to vote any ordering in the intended ranking that the balloting system in use would have allowed it to vote in addition to those orderings in the intended ranking that it actually does vote.

[end of rules for deriving an actual ballot from an intended ranking]

Chris continues:

If the voters can only express some or all of their intended ranking by giving preference data that isn't on their intended ranking, then we assume that they do so in a way that contradicts their intended ranking as little as
possible.

I reply:

Vague.

Mike Ossipoff


If in testing for a method's compliance with criterion X, we can follow the above rules/assumptions and show an example of "A and not B", then we have proved that the method fails criterion X.


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