On May 14, 2008, at 17:26 , Fred Gohlke wrote:
re: "If we assume that typically similar minded people elect
similar minded people in the groups of three, the method gives some
benefit to groups that are large and tightly bound ..."
That's a fair assumption, except for the "and tightly bound"
clause. The atomized nature of the method (the initially large
number of very small, isolated and independent groups) suggests the
'similar minded people' must be widely dispersed throughout the
electorate rather than tightly bound.
Ok. With "tightly bound" I only wanted to say that groupings where
one member trusts another member of the group and wants to support
his/her election benefit of this property. I would also have been
more exact if I had said "large OR tightly bound".
The groups can also be hierarchical in the sense that e.g. left wing
may consist of smaller groupings, Christians may consist of Catholics
and Protestants etc. All affiliations at any level may thus support
other members of the groupings.
In an earlier message, you mentioned the need to find a balance
between political and regional proportionality and I expressed the
opinion that the method was inherently proportional. It struck me
you did not agree, or, more properly, that my response did not
satisfy the need that concerned you.
My comments may have been confusing. When talking about
proportionality I typically think of and mean political/ideological
proportionality, and I typically use the full term "regional/
geographical proportionality" when I talk about regional/geographical
proportionality. Political proportionality is the one that people
most often discuss since the election methods/systems typically
provide regional proportional automatically (e.g. in the form of
single seat districts and forcing all voters to vote at their home
region, without asking about the opinion of the voter).
Juho
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