Good Morning, Raph

re:  "My concern would be that their opinions would be dismissed
      out of hand.  If there is nobody pushing them at a national
      level, then that is an almost instinctive reaction to weird
      ideas (including 'good' weird ideas)."

Any opinion that can "be dismissed out of hand", should be. Even a 'good' weird idea must have enough appeal to inspire thought.



re: "Well, would be worth seeing if it works at the council level
     first."

I agree. That's why I was helping with the draft for the Sefton Borough Council. Will it cause a ripple? I dunno.



re: (About explaining the worst case, where all except a minority
     gets removed), "Ahh, I did with the religious minority?"

As I said in my response to that explanation, the reasoning is seriously flawed. It is based on the idea that an individual can 'veto' any selection except his own. That's a losing proposition because it prevents the individual's advance. It is not a strategy by which any ideology, however rabid, can gain power.



re: "The question comes down to how well the 'Veto anyone else
     being promoted' works." and the strained rationale that
     follows:

The entire derivation leading to "A 10.41% minority would take 10 rounds to be virtually 100% and 6 rounds to have a majority." is based on irrational assumptions. I recognize the need to find a hole in the concept, but a concerted ideological attack isn't one of them. The proposal atomizes all ideologies, the 'good' ones and the 'bad' ones, and forces their detailed examination.



re: (with regard to a zealot), "He says nothing about his veto
    plan, and then at the end if he can't get through he vetoes."

That is roughly equivalent to a suicide bomber. Fortunately for all of us, such people are but an infinitesimal portion of our society (although they do damage in excess of their number.)

Note that the process prevents the zealot from affecting more than two people. The effect, for them, is bad, but they have two things in their favor: They have an opportunity to convert the zealot to a different view and they have the knowledge that elections are a repetitive process. They'll have another chance.



re: (with regard to whether a zealot could advance), "Would
    people see through him?"

That depends on his talent for obfuscation and deceit and the perceptiveness of his peers. We currently endure a system that elevates unscrupulous people by design. They are masters of deceit and obfuscation. Were they subjected to the critical examination proposed in Practical Democracy, very few would attain public office. As I said in the outline (and to Kristofer Munsterhjelm, the other day):

  "This is a distillation process, biased in favor of the most
   upright and capable of our citizens.  It cannot guarantee that
   unprincipled individuals will never be selected ... such a
   goal would be unrealistic ... but it does insure that they are
   the exception rather than the rule."



re: "It would depend on how the voting works."

That will be an implementation matter. In my opinion, the three people in a triad, after due deliberation, will either be able to say 'We've agreed on a candidate' or 'We cannot agree on a candidate'. I'm not sure more should be required.



re: "You could assume that a person from a religious group was
     going to be a zealot."

One should not assume anything. That is particularly true when the process provides an opportunity to examine the person and determine the extent of their zealotry.



re: "Reason is both the problem and solution here.  Reason sets
     up the system and reason tries to find ways to abuse it."

And, that, dear Raph, is a very astute observation. No system is impervious to corruption. That's why it's important to probe for weaknesses in the proposal ... as you've been doing.



re: "... I was just responding to the suggestion that having
     pairs of triads would cause a problem if there was an uneven
     number of triads.  It seems the same solution could apply."

That's a good point.  I should have seen it ... but didn't.



re: "... the increase from 2 to 3 people isn't a major increase.
     If people can handle 2, then they can handle 3."

I don't agree. Oh! I agree they can handle 3, but I don't agree they can be as detailed or thorough in their evaluation. It takes time and attention to gain insight into another person's nature. The amount one devotes to the task affects the depth of their understanding. First impressions are slowly validated or rejected over time, and the greater the time the more accurate the assessment (and the less chance a zealot will slip through).



re: "The point was that the number of triads that end up in a
     stalemate would increase as the number of rounds pass."

This is a good thought. The circumstances set up interesting dynamics. Since those who advance will be people with a strong desire for public office, they're not going to yield easily. Yet, those unable to attribute value to others will not make good representatives. We can anticipate considerable tension in the later triads, and that gives the participants an opportunity to gauge the others' grace under fire. That's a significant benefit of the method.



re: "What about rescrambling them.  Triads that fail to reach a
     consensus are reformed.  Each round might consist of 2-3
     sub-rounds."

That's a possibility. My initial reaction was unfavorable, but after thinking more about it, it may be a reasonable adaptation. It introduces scheduling problems, but if the stalemate problem turns out to be greater than I anticipate, the schedules can be reworked.

Fred
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