At 01:55 PM 1/22/2010, James Gilmour wrote:
Abd ul-Rahman Lomax  > Sent: Friday, January 22, 2010 5:53 PM
> > At 03:57 AM 1/22/2010, James Gilmour wrote:
> >This
> >second set of rules are those that prescribe the transfer of votes
> >"to the bitter end", i.e. even after the winners have all been
> >determined.  Under this rule a ballot marked "A" would be treated
> >differently from a ballot marked "A>B": at the last possible
> >transfer, the "A" ballot would become 'non-transferable
> >(exhausted)', but the "A>B" ballot would be transferred to A.
>
> You mean transferred to B, of course.

Apologies - my example was incomplete. To illustrate this stupid rule properly, I should have posited two candidates, A and B, (or just two left after all others have been eliminated), with A the winner. Then consider two ballots, one marked B and the other marked B>A. In the last round of a count under the "to the bitter end" transfer rule, the ballot marked B would be 'non-transferrable (exhausted)', but the vote on the B>A ballot would be transferred to A. It is illogical to treat these ballots differently in an STV (contingency choice) election and it offends the underlying concepts of 'Later No Harm' to transfer the B>A
ballot to A.

If truncation is allowed, there is a difference, as you know. However, if a plurality of ballots is sufficient for victory, it's irrelevant to the result. The real difference shows up when a true majority is required.

In Australia, they use the term "absolute majority" as the quota that must be reached, but that is with mandatory full ranking. So there is never majority failure, absent a tie, and a majority is always found when there are only two candidates still standing. Where truncation is permitted, which is in a few places in Australia, they change the quota to "a majority of votes for candidates not eliminated." That, too, never requires that last counting step.

But we have been discussing the general case, and that case most notably includes elections as described in Robert's Rules of Order, Newly Revised, RRONR 10th edition, where a single-transferable vote method is described for single-winner (and a multiwinner variation is also described, a detail I won't address). RRONR never permits election without a majority unless a special bylaw has been passed allowing election by plurality. Which is strongly discouraged.

FairVote managed to confuse nearly everyone with their description of what is in Robert's Rules. They have slightly modified their rhetoric since I started nailing them on this, so that generally they aren't actually lying any more, but they still cherry-pick and create deceptive implications. If a majority is sought, and full ranking is optional, and the ballots are ones on which the voter writes candidates in order of preference, going to the last elimination is quite proper, for one has thereby found all the ballots containing a vote for the leader. If that is not a majority of all ballots, the election fails.

And, yes, this violates Later No Harm. If only a plurality is required, Later No Harm is not violated. LNH is incompatible with a majority requirement, unless voters are coerced or misled, that is one of the dirty little secrets of IRV.

In RRONR elections, the voters are not constrained to a list of candidates. In the normal procedure, the ballots are blank, and the voter writes down the names of candidates, ranking them. The voter may vote for *anyone*, including ineligible candidates or Donald Duck, or, more importantly, Mr. None of the Above.

Why does RRONR even propose the STV method? Good question! They propose it in cases where repeated balloting is not considered practical. But they think of it as a way to find a majority, and they advise the voters to rank "all the candidates," cautioning that if they don't, it is possible that no candidate will get a majority, thus requiring the election to be repeated.

Now, this is what I've found in studying U.S. elections with IRV. In partisan elections, IRV sometimes works and finds a better winner, clearly more democratic, than FPTP or Plurality. In nonpartisan elections, however, at least in these public elections studied, IRV simply reproduces the results of Plurality. There is enough evidence to come to the conclusion that exceptions would be rare and typically close elections.

We have been discussing the election in Burlington, Vermont. There, a naive impression can be created that Plurality would have elected Wright, the Republican, he did get the most first preference votes. However, prior to IRV being adopted there, they used top two runoff, with a 40% requirement for election, otherwise a runoff was held between the top two. The runoff would have been between Kiss and Wright. Likely result would have been the same as with IRV.

The problem is that, while Kiss was a better winner than Wright, the eliminated Democrat, Montroll, was a beats-all winner, based on the expressed votes. Burlington politics are complicated. In this election, there were four major vote-getters (some analyses neglect the fourth, Smith, but he got 15% of the first preference vote). The more there are significant candidates, the more IRV can break down. IRV works to reduce the first-order spoiler effect in a two-party system, but, with three parties at rough parity, plus a fourth that is significant, it's a mess.

And the shame is that there is a much better method handy. It doesn't fully satisfy later-no-harm, but if you want real majorities, as do most jurisdictions that have been sold IRV as a top-two-runoff replacement, later no harm is broken anyway.



> >This second rule is, of course, a stupid rule but that does not mean
> >it has not been implemented in some jurisdictions, including,
> >sadly, Scotland.
>
> Not stupid, precisely because of the difference between A>B and A.
> The former is an acceptance of the last listed preference, the latter
> is not. It makes a difference if a majority is required. Not if it is
> not, though it might make a difference with some methods. But not IRV.

But my comments were exclusively in the context of STV elections (IRV, STV-PR, RCV).

And I'm talking about STV elections, as described in the most popular parliamentary procedure manual in the United States.

What's your problem with the full counting, however? It doesn't cause LNH failure in the context you describe, because the uncovering of those last votes does not change the result, it merely provides a kind of blessing. Or not!



> >  It is also a highly undesirable rule because it means that my vote
> > could, in some circumstances, be transferred to
> >the candidate I deliberately ranked last in the lowest possible
> >place, e.g. 12th out of 12 candidates.
>
> Basically, if there are as many ranks as candidates, don't vote for
> that last one! That's your choice, unless full ranking is required,
> in which case you *can't* vote the truncated vote and it is
> irrelevant if it's counted or not.

That's why when running an STV election where we can use "write in" boxes for all preferences, I always provide one fewer preference box than the number of candidates (as I see you recommended in a later part of your post). But all of our ballots for public
elections have the candidates names printed on them.

Here, write-in votes are allowed in all primary elections. Sometimes they are allowed in runoff elections.

In general, preferential voting encourages the expansion of declared candidacies.

When it comes to the bottom of the candidate barrel, I would not personally vote for the last few unless I had a strong preference between them. With IRV, that could be a tough choice.

But the vistas open up if we use and advanced voting system for a primary, still requiring a majority or some threshold that is reliable for predicting that it will become a majority in a runoff. (40% isn't that, but it is better than raw plurality: in the Burlington election, for example, we can assume that if the voters didn't alter their behavior and voted sincerely, the 40% requirement did suffice to detect a bad plurality result.)

See, James, I start by considering as an ideal election method full-on deliberative process, majority required. That is only not done on the excuse of efficiency. Can you imagine a Parliament using IRV to elect the Prime Minister?

No, they simply use repeated ballot if they must complete an election, or, if I have it right, the incumbent remains if there is majority failure. Or does something happen on a loss of a vote of confidence? (I'm not a student of parliamentary systems even though I advocate electing officers deliberatively in a legislature, parliament, or assembly, instead of direct elections by single ballot; the officers become, then, like public employees, hired and fired at will.)

Now, to optimize voting systems, I then look at what will simulate repeated ballot. IRV absolutely does not do that, because IRV is STV and STV is sequential elimination of candidates, and repeated ballot does not eliminate candidates at all. Each ballot is a new election and could possibly have completely different candidates.

So, first of all, I want to see a winner gain an uncoerced majority. Now, in the study of Approval Voting, the concept of repeated balloting with declining approval threshold has been considered. In pure repeated balloting, the voters eventually make compromises (or sometimes they do even better, they actually revised their opinions or bring in a new candidate who actually is more satisfactory overall). We can't do the new-candidate thing with a simulated series, but we can imitate the lowering of approval thresholds.

And that is what Bucklin does, and particularly Bucklin-ER, or pure Instant Runoff Approval Voting. It could even become more accurate: the voter would provide a range ballot, and the method would start out by looking at max-rated candidates, seeking a majority, then sliding down the scale to add approvals as they appear, until a majority is found. At each step we have an approval election with a particular approval threshold. If we want a "majority of votes," we would specify some level on the Range ballot (in advance, the voters must know it to make their decisions well) that is "approval." And votes below that level might be used in selecting runoff candidates, if there is majority failure, but would not, in themselves, ever determine a winner in a primary. The might in a runoff, and this would be a compromise for efficiency, if it is considered that a third ballot is impractical.

Bucklin, as I assume you know, was called American Preferential Voting at the time it was rather widely adopted (almost a hundred jurisdictions adopted it), and it was simpler than the Range-Bucklin I describe, but the basic idea is there, and the only problem was that, like IRV here, it was sold as a way to find majorities without runoff elections. Naturally, it failed to do that, because people would, in fact, truncate with Bucklin just as they do with IRV. (And probably more so, a bit. Not as much as FairVote claims.)

> >   Following on from the
> >concept of 'Later No Harm' (which underpins the whole of contingency
> >voting, as in IRV and STV-PR), it is very important to be able
> >to give a voter the absolutely assurance that under no circumstances
> >will her vote ever be transferred to the candidate she has
> >ranked 12th out of 12.  Sadly, the stupid "transfer to the bitter
> >end" rule undermines this.
>
> Only because of voter ignorance, an ignorance which has sometimes
> been encouraged by activists.

No, not at all. This is a piece of nonsense that some have introduced into STV counting, especially since electronic counting became available. It does not feature in any of the long-established versions of STV counting rules promoted in the UK.

Are there any applications of STV counting rules for single-winner elections in the UK, where a majority is required or there is a repeat election?

Bottom line, though, what actually simulates repeated elections well is Bucklin. It allows voters to classify candidates into three ranks, which might be called Favorite, Preferred, and Acceptable. While it doesn't satisfy Later-No-Harm, strictly, it doesn't actually help the lower-ranked candidate beat the more-favored one, because what happens is that the ranked votes collapse into multiple approvals, which are abstentions, in effect, from that pair-wise election. But they aren't true abstentions, rather they contribute a vote to all supported candidates toward gaining a majority, either in the second or third round of counting. (or a plurality in the end, if that is allowed to complete.)

Instead of "your lower ranked vote won't hurt your more-favored candidate because it won't be counted until your more-favored candidate is eliminated" it becomes, "your lower ranked vote won't hurt your more-favored candidate, ever, because it won't be counted until it is known that your more-favored candidate won't win with a majority, but your vote for your favorite will only help your favorite over your lower preference up to the point that the majority hasn't been found and lower preference votes are counted. It isn't actually Later-No-Harm violation, it is Later-No-Help. If you add a lower preference vote, you may end up with the preference being lost, but both candidates are then preferred over all others.

I've noticed that if you have a relatively strong first preference, you could skip the second rank and only add additional approvals in the third rank. In original Bucklin, multiple voting was only allowed in the third rank, but this, by the way, is a counterexample to the claim that Approval Voting hasn't ever been used for a public election. Bucklin is really a close form of Approval, it simply phases in the votes instead of counting them all at once as with standard Approval. In many Bucklin elections, all the ranks were counted, so it became pure Approval.

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