To James Gilmour:

1. Despite your own certainty about how "the real world of partisan politics" functions, your opinion is entirely speculative with no basis in historical events, since no Condorcet elections have ever been held in any major public elections (or even any minor ones I am aware of).

2. In arriving at your conclusions, you have neglected two critically important considerations.

a. A so-called "weak Condorcet winner" could, immediately following an election, make strong and possibly widely persuasive arguments that she/he not only deserves to have won but is the strongest possible winner, one who in separate contests with every other candidate would defeat every one - or, in the event there was a cycle that had to be resolved, would still have credible claim to be stronger overall than any other candidate. She/he could then quickly move beyond such arguments to act in ways that demonstrate her or his actual political strength beyond any reasonable doubt. The early carpers about the candidate being a weak winner would soon be forced to shift focus to other more important issues. If you want to seriously address practical politics, you need to address this highly credible post-election scenario.

b. Your arguments, weak though they are, are even less applicable (if at all) to elections of legislators than to elections of officials in executive offices (president, mayor, etc). In fact, in a sharply divided electorate (whether divided on ideological, religious, ethnic, or other grounds), most people would likely prefer a middle-ground compromise winner (even one from a small minority party or group) than one from the major opposing party or group they strongly disliked, since the middle-ground winner would, though far from ideal to most voters, also make far less objectionable legislative decisions overall than a "stronger" but widely disliked major party winner.

-Ralph Suter

On 9/23/2011 7:32 PM, James Gilmour wrote:

But you are completely missing the point of what I wrote.  It is the political 
consequences of the second result that are important.

In the real world of partisan politics, such a weak Condorcet winner (and their 
policies) would likely be torn to shreds by the
party politicians and their party members, to such an extent that s/he would be 
ineffectual in office.  And based on my experience
of UK electors, with their majoritarian views of elections, the weak Condorcet 
winner would get little support from those whose
votes had voted him or her into office.  It must be for others to judge whether 
the electors in their countries (USA, Canada) would
react in a similar way, but I have seen nothing in the US or Canadian press to 
suggest otherwise.

It is dirty practical politics that is the problem here, not the fact that 
voters could rank their choices honestly.  In my view,
such a result would be less acceptable to the electors than the plurality 
result, despite all the obvious defects in the plurality
voting.  That's just how it is  -  and if you want to achieve real, practical 
reform, you have to understand that.

James Gilmour


-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On
Behalf Of Kathy Dopp
Sent: Friday, September 23, 2011 8:48 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [EM] Election-Methods Digest, Vol 87, Issue 54


In both the following cases, candidate C, the Condorcet
winner, is a GREAT choice because a majority of voters, in
both cases, would prefer C over A or B.  This system allows
voters to honestly rank their choices, without worrying about
helping their least favorite candidate to win - far better
than methods like IRV or plurality.

            35 A>C
            34 B>C
            31 C


            48 A>C
            47 B>C
             5 C
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Message: 4
Date: Fri, 23 Sep 2011 18:22:42 -0400
From: Kathy Dopp<[email protected]>
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [EM] Election-Methods Digest, Vol 87, Issue 54
Message-ID:
        <CANqewJT-qK=CrgFKC=Q=cudNY0hnRkzkE_HR4=q5q0kgn6k...@mail.gmail.com>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1

James,

My point is, that the two examples you gave IMO are very *strong*
Condorcet winners in the sense that the vast majority of voters would
prefer the Condorcet winner over one or the other of the other two
candidates which are far less popularly approved.

I think the IRV fanatics oppose centrist compromise winners who are
supported by a majority of voters whenever IRV would elect a less
popular winner. IRV proponents support a more extremist winner,
supported by far fewer voters as long as the candidate, enough to
fabricate hypothetical political consequences, claiming that a
majority people would oppose the Condorcet winner.  Sure, of course at
least a few persons who had supported the 1st round plurality winner
would complain, but that is probably all.  I.e. IRV proponents seem to
be deeply emotionally attached to the method, regardless of how much
unhappiness the outcome would cause in how large a proportion of
voters by eliminating the Condorcet winner, as it did in Burlington,
VT.

Burlington, VT is a real life counterexample to your counterfactual,
where people would have preferred the Condorcet winner and so got rid
of IRV.

On Fri, Sep 23, 2011 at 6:02 PM, James Gilmour<[email protected]>  wrote:
But you are completely missing the point of what I wrote. ?It is the political 
consequences of the second result that are important.

In the real world of partisan politics, such a weak Condorcet winner (and their 
policies) would likely be torn to shreds by the
party politicians and their party members, to such an extent that s/he would be 
ineffectual in office. ?And based on my experience
of UK electors, with their majoritarian views of elections, the weak Condorcet 
winner would get little support from those whose
votes had voted him or her into office. ?It must be for others to judge whether 
the electors in their countries (USA, Canada) would
react in a similar way, but I have seen nothing in the US or Canadian press to 
suggest otherwise.

It is dirty practical politics that is the problem here, not the fact that 
voters could rank their choices honestly. ?In my view,
such a result would be less acceptable to the electors than the plurality 
result, despite all the obvious defects in the plurality
voting. ?That's just how it is ?- ?and if you want to achieve real, practical 
reform, you have to understand that.

James Gilmour


? ? ? ? ? ?35 A>C
? ? ? ? ? ?34 B>C
? ? ? ? ? ?31 C


? ? ? ? ? ?48 A>C
? ? ? ? ? ?47 B>C
? ? ? ? ? ? 5 C
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