http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2294/is_2003_June/ai_103381809


Contrapower sexual harassment: A survey of students and faculty members
Sex Roles: A Journal of Research,  June, 2003  by Eros DeSouza,  A.
Gigi Fansler
new
 
Although Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments in 1972,
which made sexual harassment illegal in educational settings, sexual
harassment in universities remains a serious problem, with 20-75% of
college women being the target of some form of sexual harassment
(McKinney, 1994). A growing research area also shows that young
college women are not the only ones being sexually harassed. Some
reports include male students harassing female faculty members
(Grauerholz, 1989; McKinney, 1990, 1992) and Whites with less
organizational power harassing minorities with more organizational
power (Buchanan, 2002).

Although there are many theories that explain sexual harassment (e.g.,
biological or natural model of sexual harassment), the focus of this
paper is on the gender-role spillover theory (Gutek, 1985; Powell,
1986) as a causal mechanism to explain sexual harassment. That is,
traditional expectations of how men and women ought to behave are
carried over into the workplace, so that men treat female workers as
sex objects. Gutek (1985) found that nontraditional male-dominated
workplaces resulted in the highest incidence of sexual harassment due
to the disparity between the genders in their access to power. Other
researchers have also found that work environments where men
predominate are more prone to sexual harassment than work environments
where men are not in the majority (Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin,
Gelfand, & Magley, 1997). According to Gutek and Done (2001), work
environments where men predominate are highly sexualized (e.g., sexual
jokes are common), which may put women as well as men at risk for
sexual har assment.

Benson (1984) defined the sexual harassment of those with more
organizational power by those with less power as "contrapower sexual
harassment." Women who enter male-dominated domains may represent a
threat to some men who may, in turn, be motivated to harass the women
(De Coster, Estes, & Mueller, 1999; Grauerholz, 1989). For example,
male students may want to assert their male supremacy by being
sexually aggressive toward female faculty members. In a recent
qualitative study, Rospenda, Richman, and Nawyn (1998) explored
contrapower sexual harassment and suggested that workplace and
academic sexual harassment should be reconceptualized to include the
confluence of gender, race, and class.

 Frequency of Contrapower Sexual Harassment

Previous research has shown that contrapower sexual harassment in
academic settings is widespread. In Grauerholz's study (1989) of
female faculty members, almost half (47.6%) reported having
experienced, at least once, a sexually harassing behavior from
students, especially from male students (82% of the reports were
exclusively from male students, 17% from both men and women, and just
1% from women only). Similarly, Carroll and Ellis (1989) conducted a
survey and found that 30% of the male and 24% of the female faculty
were the target of uninvited sexual comments (e.g., jokes or teasing)
from students as often as four times during an average month. The
authors also found that 27% of the male faculty and 10% of the female
faculty received sexually suggestive looks from students, or
experienced body language of a sexual nature, each month, and 5% of
the male faculty, but none of the female faculty, had received
uninvited requests for dates. Finally, 6% of the male faculty, but
none of the female faculty, were offered sexual favors in exchange for
preferential treatment.

In another study, McKinney (1990) sampled eight harassing behaviors
from students to male and female faculty members at two public
universities. She found that male professors experienced significantly
more body language, physical advances, and explicit sexual
propositions from students than did female professors. When the term
"sexual harassment" was used, 19% of the men and 22% of the women
reported having been sexually harassed by students, who were of the
other sex in over 85% of the cases.

Matchen and DeSouza (2000) have recently investigated sexual
harassment by college students toward faculty members using modified
versions of the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ), which was
developed by Fitzgerald et al. (Fitzgerald et al., 1988; Gelfand,
Fitzgerald, & Drasgow, 1995). The SEQ is a behaviorally based
instrument that measures three major types of sexual harassment:
gender harassment (verbal, physical, and symbolic sexist behaviors),
unwanted sexual attention (sexual attention that is unwanted and
unreciprocated), and sexual coercion (bribery). Male and female
college students completed the student version of the SEQ during class
time, and 102 male and female faculty members (a response rate of 14%)
completed the faculty version by mail. Overall, 63% of the students
reported having engaged in and 53% of the professors reported having
experienced at least one sexually harassing behavior by a student.
Given these findings, it is evident that contrapower sexual harassment
should be a concern for institutions of higher education.

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