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ZNet Commentary
Water Activists Turn On The Taps And Turn Up The Pressure March 23, 2006
By Patrick Bond

On March 16 in Mexico City, thousands of grassroots water warriors marched
against an equivalent number of establishment delegates from governments,
corporations and international agencies at the World Water Forum.

The activists, opposed to what they term the 'commodification' of water, were
stopped a kilometer away from their establishment opponents. But as the
Washington Post reported, 'Youths in ski masks attacked journalists and fought
with police, smashing a patrol car and hurling rocks during largely peaceful
Water Forum protests involving about 10,000 marchers.'

The Post continued, 'Many of the battles over water in Mexico don't involve
people who would otherwise be considered radicals. Those on the front lines
are residents of low-income neighbourhoods in Mexico City who get in
fistfights over water-truck deliveries, or housewives who can no longer stand
the stink of untreated sewage flowing beside their homes. And then there are
the Indian families whose crops are ruined by the diversion of water to feed a
nearby city, while their children go without safe drinking water.'

Here in South Africa, there are millions who can tell stories of water
'delivery drought'. Rural areas are underserviced due to lack of operating
subsidies which mean that a large percentage of taps installed in the
post-apartheid era are now dry. And for those lucky to be on municipal water
grids, mass disconnections due to unaffordability affect more than 1.5 million
South Africans each year, even the government admits.

According to Desmond D'Sa of the South Durban Community Environmental
Alliance, 'Across the metro, low-income people and even whole blocks of flats
are having trouble paying their rates, and quite a few have had their water
cut off recently. I've negotiated for some reconnections, but the amounts
outstanding are vast. People simply can't afford the rates. Council is even
reneging on a pre-election promise to write off arrears.'

Water warriors here also decry the new 'pre-paid meter' technology that leads
to self-disconnection. Conlog, a firm directed by the late ANC leader Joe
Modise once he retired as minister of defense in 1999, is manufacturing these
devices, which Johannesburg activists backed by the Freedom of Expression
Institute will argue in court next month are unconstitutional.

Meanwhile, Conlog is installing them across the African continent. Soweto
Electricity Crisis Committee activists have taken the lead in ripping out
pre-paid meters - both water and electricity - and periodically marching to
municipal offices to trash the hated technology.

And as part of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, with its focus on
public-private infrastructure partnerships, state-owned Rand Water - which
supplies bulk water to Johannesburg - is helping a Dutch company and the World
Bank privatise water in Accra, Ghana. That country's National Coalition
Against the Privatisation of Water is already in close contact with the
Johannesburg Anti-Privatisation Forum, helping coordinate protests.

The highest profile citizens' campaign against commodified water was in
Bolivia six years ago, when the people of the third-largest city, Cochabamba,
fought the US firm Bechtel, backed by the World Bank. As of two months ago,
the new Bolivian water minister in Evo Morales' indigenous-led government is
Abel Mamani, a neighbourhood activist veteran of another water war, in El
Alto, who cut his teeth battling the French water company Suez.

Mamani made five points in a speech last week:

* Water is a fundamental human right and a pre-requisite to the realization of
other human rights;
* Water belongs to the earth and all living beings including human beings and
it is the duty of everyone to protect access to water for all forms of life
and for the earth itself;
* Water is a public good and therefore its management needs to be in a sphere
that is public, social, community-based, participative and not based on profit;
* Water should not be privatised and should be withdrawn from all free trade
and investment agreements; and
* There should be profound change in the organization of the World Water Forum
to allow majority and decisive participation in the negotiations by the
poorest and those who most need water.

Bolivia is just one of the sites where the balance of forces has shifted left;
other major battles - not always victorious - have been fought in Manila,
Jakarta and Detroit. Biwater was kicked out of Dar es Salaam last year, to the
regret of its advisor, the Adam Smith Institute, funded by British taxpayers.

Civil society movements and governments have forced Suez to retreat from major
cities ranging from Atlanta to Buenos Aires to Montevideo in recent months.
The firm's bid to retain the Johannesburg Water contract for another 25 years
will be considered by council in June, but after mass protests in Soweto,
Orange Farm and other townships, is by no means secure.

The goals of progressive civil society activists, generally, are
'decommodification' of water, improved access by poor people, better
conditions for water workers, and more appropriate eco-management of water.
The latter should include penalties for hedonistic consumption.

Additional campaigns are waged against megadams, inappropriate irrigation,
fish destocking, water pollution, bulk water diversions, bottled water, abuse
of water by golf courses and extractive firms like Coca Cola and Nestle, and
looming water scarcity. On one crucial battleground, control of water by the
World Trade Organisation, activists appear to have just won, by exempting
water from the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services.

As the Mexico confrontation shows, protesters are linking up with vigour. Back
in 1992, after the Rio Earth Summit and a Dublin water conference both
advanced the principle that water is 'an economic good', privatisation began
in earnest. Within a few years, a broad-based international front of
community, consumer, environmental and labour organisations emerged to fight 
back.

The formal privatisation of water slowed during the late 1990s, in part
because it became so difficult for the big British, French, German, Spanish
and US firms to realise profits across the Third World, not least thanks to
rising social resistance. Nevertheless, municipalities and water supply
agencies are still being pressured by the World Bank to adopt commercial
principles, including pricing water high enough to at least to cover
operating/maintenance costs, at a time of declining subsidies.

No one disputes that with at least 2.6 billion people lacking adequate
sanitation and 1.1 billion lacking access to improved water sources, there is
an urgent need for dramatic improvements in investment, management and
affordability. Third World states shrunk during the past quarter-century of
sustained structural adjustment, addled by debt payment outflows, capital
flight and foreign aid cutbacks. So the resources required for water and
sanitation can not often be found.

Still, the primary strategy adopted by water advocates has been to defend the
state as the key institution for delivering water. There are vast problems
with relying on state agencies (whether national or municipal), yet in most
societies it remains the institution which can best redistribute and organise
resources.

Some water-delivery NGOs such as WaterAid, members of Freshwater Action
Network or South Africa's Mvula Trust do find themselves occasionally accused
of betraying mass popular movement sentiments over water prices, standards and
institutional delivery systems. While expanded community control is generally
an objective of progressive activists, a primary concern is that
decentralization should not replace a serious state commitment to subsidizing
poor people's water. Unlike what most NGOs can provide, an operative state's
grid service is more likely to offer purified, high-pressure water in
sufficient quantities to serve gender equity, public health and other broader
eco-social goals.

Critics argue that some NGO interventions lubricate neoliberalism, because
installing inadequate collective tap systems - usually without sufficient
sanitation - contributes to further state shrinkage. The general trend towards
private outsourcing, including some examples of NGO delivery, has been
destructive, because standards are lower, prices are higher, disconnections
are more common, maintenance is worse and accountability is harder to establish.

The struggles against commodified water often erupt on global platforms, such
as the triannual World Water Forum - at The Hague in 2000, Kyoto in 2003 and
Mexico City in 2006 - and related meetings of the water establishment such as
WTO summits. There, activists have battled a series of enemies:

* the Global Water Partnership (created by the World Bank, UN Development
Programme and Swedish aid);
* the Marseilles-based World Water Council (founded by Suez, Canadian aid and
the Egyptian government and joined by 300 private companies, government
ministries, and international organisations);
* the International Private Water Association (privatisation firms plus the
World Bank, US Credit Export Agency and Overseas Private Investment
Corporation and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development);
* the World Bank itself (which in $20 billion worth of 1990s water projects
imposed privatisation as a loan condition in a third of the transactions);
* Mikhael Gorbachev's Green Cross (in ongoing dispute with Council of
Canadians over global-scale water rights and property rights in the UN);
* Aquafed (a federation set up by a former Suez managing director); and
* the World Panel on Financing Infrastructure.

The latter was chaired by former IMF managing director Michel Camdessus during
2002-03, with major multilateral development banks, Citibank, Lazard Freres,
the US Ex-Im Bank, private water companies (Suez, Thames Water), state elites
(from Egypt, France, Ivory Coast, Mexico, and Pakistan) and two NGOs
(Transparency International and WaterAid). It proposed much greater amounts of
public subsidies for privatisers, via a risk insurance mechanism to safeguard
companies like Suez against currency crises which devastated the firm's
Argentina operations after 2001.

Some of the strongest critics of neoliberal water policies are
citizens'/consumers' organisations (especially the Council of Canadians in
Ottawa and Public Citizen in Washington); trade unions (Public Services
International and their affiliates); indigenous people's movements;
environmental groups (led by the International Rivers Network and Friends of
the Earth); and think-tanks (e.g., the PSI Research Unit at Greenwich
University, Polaris in Ottawa, the TransNational Institute in Amsterdam, the
Agriculture and Trade Policy Center in Minneapolis, the Municipal Services
Project in South African and Canadian universities, Parivartan and the Centre
for Science and the Environment in New Delhi, Food and Water Watch in
Washington, and the International Forum on Globalization in San Francisco).

>From the struggles have emerged inspiring leaders, intellectuals and
politicians, including Accra campaigners Rudolf Amenga-Etego (who was awarded
the 2004 Goldman environmental prize) and Alhassan Adam, Canadians Maude
Barlow and Tony Clarke (who won the 2005 Right Livelihood Award) and writer
Varda Burstein, Paris-based Danielle Mitterrand, Cochabamba movement leader
Oscar Olivera, Washington-based water watchdogs Maj Fiil-Flynn and Sara
Grusky, Olivier Hoedeman and Satoko Kishimoto of 'Reclaiming Public Water' at
the Transnational Institute, filmmakers Alan Snitow and Deborah Kaufman,
European campaigner Ricardo Petrello, anti-dam strategists Paddy McCully and
Lori Pottinger, and extraordinary Indian women like Sunita Narrain, Medha
Patkar, Arundhati Roy, Vandana Shiva and Shiney Varghese. 
South Africans who are well-known internationally include Bryan Ashe and
Lianne Greef of the SA Water Caucus, Dale McKinley of the national Campaign
Against Water Privatisation, Wits sociology researcher Ebrahim Harvey, Anil
Naidoo (based in Ottawa), trade unionist Roger Ronnie, and Sowetans Trevor
Ngwane and Virginia Setshedi.

The World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, as well as regional Social Fora, have
provided spaces for water activist assemblies during the early 2000s. Email
listserves such as 'water warriors', 'reclaiming public water' and 'right to
water' permit information exchange and coordination. A People's World Water
Forum was held in Delhi two years ago, preceded by the 2001 'Blue Planet'
conference in Vancouver, as well as periodic European gatherings.

Because the water movements have generated superb examples of cooperation
across borders, campaigns against commodified services will continue to serve
as a model for global civil society. If in the short-term here in South Africa
activists can reconnect water to Durban's poor and working people and
disconnect Suez from Johannesburg and Rand Water from Accra, over the
longer-term, the world desperately needs to link their visions, programmes and
projects to similar processes, in the next set of 21st century water wars.
------- End of Forwarded Message -------


---
TCB'n,
Noah

"The foundation of all mental illness is the unwillingness to experience
legitimate suffering."
        - Carl Jung

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