>
>        THE OTHER ECONOMIC SUMMIT
>        777 United Nations Plaza, Suite 3C
>        New York, New York  10017
>        Tel. (212) 972-9877  -  Fax (212) 972-9878
>        e-mail:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>
>                                                                January 7, ÿ
1998
>                                                        (Dictated December
>27, 1997)
>
>
>TO:             TOES Listserve
>
>FROM:           Ward Morehouse
>
>        When I was in London in mid-December on my way back from India, I
>spent a day with Colin Hines (Co-Author of, among other works, The New
>Protectionism) trying to formulate alternatives to the Multilateral
>Agreement on Investment (MAI).
>
>        Enclosed is the result of that effort.  Colin and I see it as the
>beginning of a process of debate and exchange, certainly not as anything
>remotely like a "finished product".  Hence, critical feedback is
>particularly welcome.
>
>
>
>
>
>WM/td
>
>
>**************************************
>
>ALTERNATIVES  TO THE MAI:
>FIRST THOUGHTS FROM  WARD MOREHOUSE & COLIN HINES
>
>Background
>
>The anti- MAI campaigns have published excellent papers on why the MAI
>should be opposed, but less attention has been paid to what alternative
>set of rules, for what end goal should replace the MAI as the subject for
>international and intergovernmental debate. We have therefore tried to
>pull together what we have found, plus some ideas of our own, to attempt
>to start a debate about what alternative we might as a movement choose to
>consider. Once we are  within sight of beating the MAI, then we will
>almost certainly be asked for our ideas on this matter.
>
>Finally, if we have missed doubtless the one thorough document which does
>just this, then our apologies and please send it or e-mail. it to us.
>Otherwise please send any comments or additions you might have which we
>will incorporate and circulate. We hope you find this useful:
>
>Ward Morehouse, Program on Corporations, Law and Democracy,
>Suite 3C, 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, New York 10017 tel (212)
>972 9877 fax (212) 972 9878.  e-mail  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>Colin Hines, 11 Park House Gardens, East Twickenham, Middlesex, TW1 2DF.
>UK.
>tel 44181 892  8672, fax 44181 892 5051.   e-mail chines@dial .pipex .com
>
>
>OVERARCHING INTERNATIONAL CONCEPT: THE ALTERNATIVE INVESTMENT CODE
>(SUGGESTIONS FOR SEXIER TITLE WELCOME!)
>
>
>The intention of such a code is NOT to ensure the unimpeded international
>flow of capital and investment, but to have as its basic aim the
>regrounding of capital locally to fund the diversification of local,
>sustainable economies which have at their core the right to livelihood.
>The right to livelihood is a key human rights goal  in this alternative
>investment code.  Other rights such as private property rights are
>contingent on fulfilment of this most basic human right.
>
>Tony Clarke and Maude Barlow in their groundbreaking book MAI and the
>Threat to Canadian Sovereignty pointed out that: ...the UN Charter of
>Economic Rights and Duties of States provided quite a different framework
>for establishing a set of global investment rules. It was based on the
>assumption that nation-states acting on behalf of all their citizens and
>the public at large, had the political sovereignty to regulate foreign
>investment. The Charter granted member nations the authority to supervise
>the operations of transnational corporations in their territories by
>establishing performance requirements.
>
>These performance requirements were to be based on the national
>development needs of the people of each country. While nation states were
>also granted the powers to nationalize, expropriate or transfer
>ownership of  foreign property, the charter called for the payment of
>fair compensation for expropriation.
>
>Although changes in the global economy over the past twenty years or so
>would require that modifications be made, the UN Charter on the Economic
>Rights and Duties of States contains many of the elements for  modern,
>alternative approach to global investment rules.
>
>Bearing this in mind a fundamental rethink of the MAI could result in an
>agreement along the lines of this:
>
>
>ALTERNATIVE INVESTMENT CODE;  KEY PROVISIONS
>
>PURPOSE;  The Alternative Investment Code (AIC) seeks to strengthen
>democratic control of capital and stimulate investments that benefit
>local communities.
>
>NATIONAL TREATMENT:  Investments that increase local employment with
>decent wages, enhance protection of the environment and otherwise improve
>the quality of life in communities and regions within states which are
>parties to the AIC are encouraged.  States are urged to give favourable
>treatment to domestic investors who further these goals and are
>prohibited from treating foreign investors as favourably as domestic
>investors.
>
>MOST FAVOURED NATION STATUS: Provided it is not at the expense of
>domestic investors, states shall give preferential treatment to investors
>from other states which respect human rights, treat workers fairly, and
>protect the environment.
>
>PERFORMANCE REQUIREMENTS:  States may impose requirements on investors
>which further the goals of this code such as the following:
>
>a) to achieve a given level or percentage of domestic content, whilst at
>the same times ensuring that monopolies do not develop;
>
>b) to give preference to goods produced locally;
>
>c) to stipulate a minimum level of local equity participation;
>
>d) to hire a given level of local personnel and respect  labour  and
>environmental standards;
>
>e) to protect enterprises which serve community needs from unfair foreign
>competition;
>
>STANDSTILL AND ROLLBACK:  No state party to the AIC can pass laws or
>adopt regulations that diminish local control of capital or that divert
>investors from giving priority to meeting local needs.
>     Existing laws and regulations that give preferential treatment to
>foreign investors or encourage absentee ownership of community-based
>enterprises must be rolled back over the next decade.
>
>DISPUTE RESOLUTION:  Citizen groups and community institutions are given
>standing to sue investors for violations of this investment code.  All
>judicial and quasi-judicial procedures such as arbitration shall be fully
>transparent and open to public observation.
>
>INVESTMENT PROTECTION:  Workers and communities play a vital role in the
>creation of corporate assets, and that role must be recognised and
>protected.  Thus, expropriation of such assets to serve vital community
>needs is permitted  and must take into account the interest of workers
>and communities in those assets.  Similarly, restrictions may be placed
>on excessive repatriation of  profits by foreign investors, and capital
>may not be transferred without indemnification of worker and community
>interest in such capital.
>
>Central to this new set of controls on investments will be the
>establishment of policies for the effective community and national
>control of capital.
>
>Controlling Capital- Hands On Rather Than Hands Off
>
>What is required is the investment of the majority of funds in the
>locality where they are generated and/or needed, i.e. an 'invest here to
>prosper here' policy.  Democratic control over capital must be seen as
>the key to providing the money for governments and communities to improve
>environmental and social conditions and job opportunities.
>
>The fear is that any one country, on its own, would immediately be
>punished by the markets for even considering such an approach. However, a
>regional grouping of states such as in the European Union or North
>America would be a powerful, secure and lucrative enough market to ensure
>that those that control  money  flows would not dare exit from the safety
>of such a bloc.
>
>These policies must also incorporate an internationalist approach to make
>certain that they do not merely benefit the rich countries at the expense
>of the poor.  Tax penalties will exist for foreign investment which does
>not directly help the Third World or Eastern Europe to protect and
>rediversify their own sustainable local economies. Aid and trade rules
>must be changed to ensure a similar outcome and the transfer of
>sustainable technologies must become the centre piece of new aid regimes.
>
>What is required on an economic bloc-wide scale is a check on the
>destructive power of speculators through the introduction of a Tobin Tax
>which taxes domestic and global  foreign exchange speculation. A purchase
>tax on stocks, bonds, derivatives etc. would  be introduced. The present
>easy credit that allows speculators to multiply the size of their bets
>way beyond the cash required to cover them, should be replaced by an
>insistence that those buying must put up 100% of the purchase price.
>Governments also need to reassert control over fiscal policies (i.e. tax
>and public expenditure) by  re-regulating finance and banking and
>reintroducing exchange controls.  Central banks should lower interest
>rates to achieve a new end goal of generating large numbers of new jobs
>by investing locally.
>
>Once the threat of capital flight has been substantially lessened the
>taxation system can be changed progressively to serve the needs of the
>community in general. Higher taxation of capital gains, green taxes,
>progressive taxes on income and lower taxes on labour all have a place in
>this transformation. Strict and transparent accounting rules would enable
>the phasing out of 'corporate welfare' for the undeserving rich.. Payback
>periods need to be lengthened using penal short-term capital gains tax
>for shareholders who take early profits, but tapering to near zero for
>longer-term shareholders. At the end of perhaps 20 years however the
>shareholder interest would revert to the workers and communities which
>have played a critical role in generating company profits. Such
>regulation of investment to impose some obligations towards affected
>communities is key.
>
>Also vital is a bloc-wide Beat a Cheat campaign cracking down on
>corporate tax evasion. This would require public disclosure of corporate
>finances, especially global taxes paid or avoided and closing national
>and global tax loopholes. It would also penalise and eventually eliminate
>tax havens. Intra-corporate financial transfers, at present used to avoid
>paying national taxes (e.g. transfer pricing), would also be monitored
>and punitively taxed. After due warning to allow diversification of the
>economies concerned, offshore banking centres should be closed down by
>prohibiting  domestic banking systems from honouring the transfers of
>offshore capital. This would prevent capital evading banking and
>securities laws and  national taxes.
>
>To keep capital local the influence of local banks on central bank
>policies must be strengthened to reinforce the significance of the local
>banking structure. This would encourage the rebuilding of local economies
>via smaller locally based banks, credit unions, LETS schemes etc.
>Insurance, pension, building society and endowment funds should be
>encouraged via legislative measures and tax breaks to invest in the
>local. And those who  contribute to such funding must in law become more
>genuine owners by achieving greater control over their own savings and
>deferred wages.
>
>The Present Global Economic Instability Comes To Our Aid
>
>Since the end goal of such an Alternative Investment Code is the exact
>opposite of the MAIs raison dêtre and the neoliberal model,
>justification for its plausibility is vital. This will be helped by
>referring to the present Asian crisis and how the deflationary policies
>that the IMF will enforce in that area will not only reduce demand there,
>but also in the rest of the world by reducing export markets and
>undercutting the products of other areas via Asias competitive currency
>devaluation. Similar deflationary policies are occurring in Europe as it
>prepares for it own structural adjustment policy of the Single Currency.
>In short, the global system can still produce countless products and
>services, the problem (which Business Week in a Special Report on
>November 10th termed The Threat of  Deflation) will be lack of adequate
>consumer demand. The MAI with its emphasis on less protection for local
>industries and services, and the orgy of global mergers and job losses
>likely to result, will only make matters worse.
>
>WARD MOREHOUSE AND COLIN HINES, December 1997.
>
>
>Essential reading:
>
>MAI-The Multilateral Agreement on Investment and the Threat to Canadian
>Sovereignty Tony Clarke and Maude Barlow. Stoddart Publishing,Toronto,
>1997.
>
>Other references:
>
> Control Capital, Create Jobs Colin Hines and Alan Simpson, Agenda For
>A Second Term, London,  November, 1997.
>
>Other methods for enhancing community self management Shann Turnbull,
>in Building Sustainable Communities edited by Ward Morehouse, the
>Bootstrap Press, John Carpenter Publishing, US and UK, 1997
>
>Background Reading:
>- Turning the Tide-Confronting the Money Traders John Dillon, Canadian
>Centre for Policy Alternatives 1997.
>- One World Ready or Not- The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism William
>Greider, Simon and Schuster, 1997.
>- The Corporate Planet: Ecology and Politics in the Age of
>Globalisation Joshua Karliner, Sierra Club Books, Sa Francisco, 1997.
>- The Global Trap: Globalisation and the Assault on Prosperity and
>Democracy, Hans-Peter Martin and Harald Schumann, Zed Books, London,
>1997.
>- Does Free trade Create Good Jobs? David C Ranney and Robert R
>Naiman, Institute for Policy Studies and Great Cities Institute, 1997.
>-  In Defence  of Capital Controls James Crotty and Gerald Epstein in
>Leo Panitch (ed) Socialist Register, 1996: Are There Alternatives? (New
>York: Monthly Review Publishing Company, 1996
>- The Case Against the Global Economy Jerry Mander and Edward
>Goldsmith, Sierra Club Books, 1997.
>- When Corporations Rule the World David Korten, Kumarian Press 1995.
>



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