---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Sat, 17 Jan 1998 13:03:26 -0800
From: Sid Shniad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: Forum on Labor in the Global Economy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: The sell off of Korea Inc. (fwd)

> NO BARGAINS FOR KOREA IN THIS SALE
>
> The IMF rescue package will ultimately benefit the West far more than Seoul,
> writes Mark Atkinson in the 'The Guardian Weekly' (week ending January 11,
> 1998)
>
> BEEN to the January sales yet?  Picked up any bargains? Procter & Gamble has;
> so too has Germany's Robert Bosch.  Not in the big department stores of
> London, New York or Paris, of course.  This sale is taking place in South
> Korea, and on offer is more than a new winter coat or three piece suite.  Much
> of the country is up for grabs.
>
> In return for a financial aid package worth a record $57 billion, the
> International Monetary Fund has, among other things, forced Korea to
> liberalise and deregulate, including dropping restrictions on foreign
> takeovers.
>
> Since December 30, foreign investors have been able to acquire a 55 per cent
> stake in any listed company.  By the end of this year, they will be able to
> buy the lot.
>
> Business has got off to a slow start.  Ssangyong sold its tissue and sanitary
> napkin unit to Procter & Gamble, Bosch has taken control of its joint venture
> with Yja Motors, and Coca-Cola has acquired soft drink bottling operations
> from Doosan, the nation's largest brewing institution.
>
> Other deals are in the offing: Hanhwa, for example, is reported to be
> negotiating the sale of its oil refining and petrol station business to a
> leading international refiner, thought to be Royal Dutch Shell.
>
> Before long the shelves may be cleared in much the same way as those at the
> Harrods crockery and hi-fi departments will be by the end of the month.
>
> But why would the fiercely nationalist South Koreans abandon the policy of
> industrial self-sufficiency which built their economy into the world's 11th
> biggest?
>
> For two reasons.  First, South Korea's chaebols, or conglomerates, are
> collapsing under the weight of their awesome debts and need the money.
> Starved of credit, they are being forced to shed excess businesses to stay
> afloat.
>
> Credit Lyonnais Securities reckons that only 87 of Korea's listed companies
> out of a total 653 non-financial firms are relatively safe from the predators.
>
> SBC Warburg Dillon Read, the investment bank, believes that even household
> names such as Hyundai and Daewoo may be vulnerable unless they restructure
> quickly.
>
> Second, the prices are of the bargain-basement variety.  The Korean currency,
> the won, fell by about 50 per cent against the US dollar last year.  Share
> prices also plummeted.  These falls make Korean companies rich pickings for
> expansion-minded foreign multinationals, through direct takeover or portfolio
> investments.
>
> They may be hesitant at the moment, fearing further falls in the months ahead
> as the crisis continues.  But when Western managements are confident that the
> bottom has been reached they will swoop.  When they do, will it be a cause for
> celebration or regret?
>
> In one sense, there can be cheers - and not just on the part of the foreign
> investors anticipating fat profits.  Korea's crony capitalism was not
> sustainable.  The chaebols survived on cheap, state-directed bank loans, some
> of which came indirectly from abroad, which made them complacent.  They were
> able to invest in schemes with little or no productive value.  When Western
> owners arrive en masse in Korea they may administer a welcome dose of market
> discipline.
>
> But the sell-off of Korea Inc. also leaves a nasty taste in the mouth, and it
> will not necessarily solve the country's economic crisis in the long term.  It
> may even make the economy more unstable.
>
> There is something morally distasteful about the IMF lending money for Korea
> to pay off its short-term foreign debts and in return demanding draconian
> reforms which will ultimately benefit the West, and meanwhile requiring Korean
> shareholders, depositors and employees to suffer.  In his new year message,
> South Korea's president elect, Kim Dae-jung, warned: "Inflation will flare up,
> unemployment rise and numerous companies collapse."
>
> 'Mere is also an economic objection to the reform package: if the IMF once
> again rescues foreign fund managers from the consequences of an unwise
> investment, there is no incentive for them to change their behaviour.
> Investment in emerging markets is rapidly becoming a one-way bet.  Either it
> pays off with huge returns to reflect the supposed risk of the investment or,
> if it all goes down the toilet, the international bodies step in to bail out
> foreign creditors.
>
> There is an alternative.  Korea could simply default on its loans.  Western
> banks could take the hit.  Perhaps they would then be more careful about
> lending money abroad in the first place, instead of simply being blinded by
> greed.
>
> True, Korea, whose credit rating has already been reduced to junkbond status,
> would find it even harder to raise money on the international capital markets
> if it acquired the reputation as a defaulter.  But what money the Koreans have
> left could be used to reflate the domestic economy rather than pay off foreign
> debts.
>
> If Thailand had not attracted so much footloose foreign capital, it would not
> have run into the difficulties which ultimately brought the economy to its
> knees and sparked the whole Asian crisis.
>
> Yet the IMF is now suggesting Korea follow the same route as Thailand. If it
> complies fully with the IMF's request to open up its economy, Korea could
> become more, not less vulnerable to capital flight in the future. So what
> should be done to guard against this danger?
>
> Various suggestions will no doubt be forthcoming from the IMF and the Group of
> Seven during their regular meetings this year.  But they will probably amount
> to no more than better surveillance and greater transparency.
>
>
> Meanwhile it has fallen to none other than George Soros, the arch-speculator,
> to come forward with a solution.  From the man blamed by Malaysian prime
> minister Mahathir Mohamad for causing the Asian crisis comes a plan involving
> greater regulation of the international capital markets.
>
> MR SOROS says that an international Credit Insurance Corporation should be set
> up as a sister institution to the IMF.  Its job would be to guarantee loans
> for a small fee.  Borrowing countries would be obliged to provide data on all
> borrowings, public or private.  This would enable the new authority to set
> limits on the amounts it would be willing to insure.  Creditors going beyond
> these limits would be on their own.
>
> "The authority would base its judgment not only on the amount of credit
> outstanding but also on the macroeconomic conditions in the countries
> concerned," Mr. Soros says.  'This would render any excessive credit expansion
> unlikely."
>
> Mr. Soros admits that there are difficulties.  "The most important is the link
> between the borrowing countries and the borrowers within those countries.
> Special care must be taken not to give governments discretionary power over
> allocation of credit because that could foster corrupt dictatorships," he
> says.
>
> But it certainly seems worthy of serious consideration at the high tables of
> international finance, which have shown a marked lack of imagination in
> dealing with the Asian crisis.
>
> The IMF has acted with great speed to prevent the crisis spilling over into
> advanced economies, by making sure their debtors can repay loans.  But
> sweeping away impediments to foreign ownership are not necessarily in the best
> interests of countries such as Korea.
>
> Armed with a competitive currency following the devaluation of the won, Korea
> might have been better off left alone to export its way out of trouble and
> restructure using internal financing drawn from a high level of domestic
> savings.
>
> 'The difficulty is that this would not have gone down well in the West, which
> would have seen its share of export markets eroded without any offsetting
> benefit.
>
> As it is, following the IMF bailout, Korea as a production base will still
> enjoy a significant cost advantage over the West.  But the profits of
> Korean-based enterprises will flow to US, European and Japanese owners, not
> the Koreans.


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