Should Wealth Be Held by the Few or Everyone? -- That's the Central
Focus of Protests from Spain to Greece
What started in Spain is now clearly spreading across Europe, where we
have witnessed social movements making similar demands for economic
democracy.
June 16, 2011 |
While “Europe’s slow-motion financial collapse” – as Mother Jones
magazine described it in a June 6 article – continues apace, Spain,
like other European states continues to implement anti-social/neo-
liberal policies in the face of strong opposition from the citizenry.
It has been one month since Spain’s “Indignados” (Indignant Ones)
movement non-violently claimed 60 city-squares across the country,
calling for economic democracy, political justice and peace.
Since then, much has happened within Spanish borders, and what is
happening there is clearly spreading across Europe, where we have
witnessed social movements making similar demands.
We have observed the rise of a parallel movement in Portugal where
most city squares have also been camped on by “Indignados” and where
only hours before the country’s general elections protesters in Lisbon
were attacked and beaten by police.
We have witnessed how on that same night, in Athens, Greece, 80,000
protesters congregated in the city’s main square in opposition to the
country’s “austerity measures,” waving banners in solidarity with the
“Indignados” of Spain and of other European countries.
In Paris, we have seen the Bastille taken non-violently by French
“Indignados” only to be quickly reclaimed by the country’s police force.
Wherever you look in Europe, you hear the same cries of indignation.
In some countries with more intensity than others, but the cry is
becoming louder everywhere, and what may seem like a slow-motion
financial collapse is rapidly becoming an accelerated social
catastrophe.
Specifically in Spain, despite the political elite depicting a country
recovering from the financial collapse, everyday things are getting
worse economically, politically and socially.
Protests, although nonviolent for the most part, could be on the verge
of becoming violent unless the political and economic elites begin to
make some concessions.
On the economic front, Spain began the month of June with comments
from the European Commission about the potential that the country will
miss its economic growth and budget-deficit targets for the year. The
commission’s recommendation was more economic “reform.”
Then a report from the ratings agency Moody’s pointed out that the
high Catalan deficit was affecting the solvency of the whole of Spain.
A few days later, in the region of Castilla-La Mancha, the incoming
administration of the rightwing Popular Party (PP), before even taking
office, proclaimed that the region was “totally bankrupt.”
Then, the National Statistics Institute revealed that Spain’s property
sales in April had been the lowest since the institute began reporting
in 2007.
Obviously, this stream of negative news, coupled with discussions
taking place in Europe regarding a potential debt default by Greece,
affected Spain’s bond sales and moved the country one step closer to a
bailout, or a default followed by its subsequent debt restructuring.
On the political front, June has been equally intense. The government
has approved by decree changes in collective bargaining agreements
after failed negotiations with the two major trade unions in the
country.
The government also approved the extension indefinitely of the Spanish
military mission in Libya and announced the creation of a new NATO
operations center to control Spanish airspace and help missions
coordinated from Southern Europe.
On the social front, as of the first of June, the government warned
that the “Indignados” could not remain camped on city squares much
longer.
Spain’s Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, addressed the
request from the “Indignados” for electoral reform by telling them the
changes could only be possible through consensus from all political
parties, a way to respond without complying.
Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair visited Spain with the advice
that “demonstrators should be heard but not allowed to govern.”
Yet, according to a survey published by the newspaper El Pais, there
exists wide support (81 percent) for the movement among the Spanish
population.
Among the supporters are public intellectuals, such as Vicent Navarro,
Arcadi Oliveras and Eduardo Galeano, along with political figures such
as Santiago Carrillo, who was the secretary general of the Spanish
Communist Party and a key voice during the country’s transition to
democracy, and Cayo Lara, the coordinator for the third largest
political party in Spain, Izquierda Unida.
Even Rosalía Mera, who is Spain’s richest woman according to Forbes
Magazine, has expressed public support for the “Indignados.”
Reacting to recent events, commissions of the “Indignados” from across
the country met in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol Square to discuss the
movement’s future.
Through a process of popular assembly, they agreed to three key actions:
First, to boycott the country’s Town Halls as the new governments were
sworn in following the recent regional and local elections; second, to
abandon city squares and move their social action into city
neighborhoods in an attempt to broaden the movement’s involvement with
the rest of the citizenry; and third, to continue organizing protests
on specific dates focused on particular issues, including a firm
commitment to a global protest of “Indignados” on Oct. 15.
The first nationwide coordinated initiative since the spontaneous
movement mushroomed on May 15, the boycott of Town Halls, was well
represented by “Indignados” across Spain.
Demonstrators blocked entrances to Town Halls, climbed onto the
balconies, prevented official cars from exiting car parks, disturbed
investiture sessions with speeches, and followed politicians across
cities as they celebrated their victories, shouting to them, “shame on
you!”
Artur Mas, president of the Generalitat (the government of the Catalan
autonomous region), was forced to arrive at parliament in a police
helicopter, as thousands of “Indignados” blocked the entrance in an
attempt to stop the region’s budget approval.
The protesters shouted: “You do not represent us!” The parliamentary
session began with only half of the representatives able to enter the
building.
In Valencia, the police charged at demonstrators injuring 12 and
arresting five. To avoid further protests in that city, where the new
government has ten of its members including its president facing
corruption charges, Spain’s vice president, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba,
canceled a planned trip.
In the city of Madrid, police batons struck protesters. In Salamanca,
five “Indignados” were injured. In Burgos, two were arrested. In
Castellón, the protesters were violently dispersed as they were in
Vigo and in Santiago de Compostela.
Following the arrests across the country, spontaneous demonstrations
followed in front of police headquarters demanding the prompt release
of those detained. Most protesters were released on bail.
It seems clear, when one takes an in-depth look at events unfolding in
Spain, that these protests have hit a nerve throughout Spanish
society, despite the fact that the movement is practicing a form of
nonviolent direct democracy which is not familiar to most Spaniards,
nor for that matter to most citizens in Western-style democracies.
Spain’s political, social and economic climate is beginning to be
shaped, at least partially, by these cries of indignation.
Nevertheless, there is a danger that unless economic and political
elites begin to listen and engage in some serious dialogue with the
“Indignados” – instead of sending out the police to attack them – the
nonviolence could quickly turn to violence.
Spain’s nonviolent protesters are not Gandhi’s well-trained and
disciplined nonviolent peacemakers with months of rigorous training in
Gandhian Ashrams. This is a one-month-old spontaneous and diverse
movement, which is only now beginning to organize and present specific
demands.
Whether the “Indignados” will turn violent if the police continue to
beat them – or whether the country’s elites will begin addressing the
popular demands rising from the streets – we will learn only as events
unfold.
Pablo Ouziel's articles and essays are available at pabloouziel.com.
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