No. The "displacement of labour by technology" has always been a concern of
economics, at least since the late 18th century. The orthodox rebuttal to
that was the notion of the self-adjusting economic system that Keynes
criticized, which I cited in my first post.

On Fri, Apr 13, 2012 at 2:19 PM, Ed Weick <[email protected]> wrote:

> **
> Another thing Keynes did not seem to take into account is that a growing
> portion of investment concerns the displacement of labour by new
> technology.  This may not have been a significant economic concern in his
> day, but it most certainly is now.
>
> Ed
>
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> *From:* Tom Walker <[email protected]>
> *To:* RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME 
> DISTRIBUTION,EDUCATION<[email protected]>
> *Cc:* Keith Hudson <[email protected]>
> *Sent:* Friday, April 13, 2012 3:41 PM
> *Subject:* Re: [Futurework] "Efficiency's Promise: Too Go od to Be True"
> "More Jobs Predicted for Machi nes, Not People"
>
> "Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren" is a good starting point.
> Keynes made the same point with more precision 15 years later in a letter
> to T. S. Eliot and a couple years before that in a Treasury Department
> memorandum on full employment after the war.
>
> http://econospeak.blogspot.ca/2009/08/skidelsky-on-keynes-and-queens.html
>
> Here's how Keynes biographer Lord Skidelsky summed up the relationship
> between the earlier essay and the later letter:
>
> My final section can best be introduced by quoting from a letter Keynes
>> wrote to T.S. Eliot on April 5, 1945: "The full employment policy by means
>> of investment," he wrote, "is only one particular application of an
>> intellectual theorem. You can produce the result just as well by consuming
>> more or working less" (CW, XXVII, p. 384).
>>
>> To make sense of this mysterious remark, one has to go back to Keynes'
>> essay, "Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren," first read to
>> Winchester schoolboys in 1928, or even further back to G.E. Moore's Principia
>> Ethica, the bible of his youth and the source of his ideas about the
>> good life. Economics, Keynes always insisted, is only useful if it can get
>> us over the hump of scarcity, as quickly as possible, into the realm of
>> plenty, when man would confront his "real, his permanent problem--how to
>> use his freedom from pressing economic cares ... to live wisely and
>> agreeably and well" (CW, IX, p. 328). "The full employment policy by means
>> of investment" is Keynes' method of accelerating through the barrier. From
>> this perspective, the mass unemployment of the interwar years was not just
>> the result of a random collapse of confidence, but the precursor of what
>> can happen to rich societies that fail to make adequate preparations for
>> the good life which wealth makes possible.
>>
>> It is typical of Keynes that he should have returned to this vision
>> during the war itself, as soon as it became clear that the Allies would
>> win. The core of it is contained in a memorandum he wrote on May 25, 1943,
>> entitled "The Long-Term Problem of Full Employment." He saw three phases
>> after the war. In phase I, which he thought might last five years,
>> investment demand would exceed full employment saving, leading to inflation
>> in the absence of rationing and other controls. In this phase, the emphasis
>> should be on securing a high rate of saving in order to reconstruct the war
>> damaged economy. In phase 2, which he thought might last between five and
>> ten years, he foresaw a rough equilibrium between investment and full
>> employment saving "in conditions of freedom," with the state active in
>> varying the pace of investment projects. In phase 3, investment demand is
>> so saturated that it cannot be brought up to the level of full employment
>> saving without embarking on wasteful and unnecessary programmes. In this
>> phase, the aim of policy should be to encourage consumption and discourage
>> saving, and so absorb some of the unwanted surplus by increasing leisure,
>> with shorter hours and more frequent holidays. This will mark the entrance
>> to the "golden age," the age of capital saturation. Eventually, Keynes
>> thought, "depreciation funds should be almost sufficient to provide all the
>> gross investment that is required" (CW, XXVII, pp. 321-324; also see Keynes
>> to Josiah Wedgwood, July 7, 1943, p. 350). It is the age, foreshadowed in
>> the General Theory, of the "euthanasia of the rentier," since there will be
>> no demand for new capital.
>>
>> The same objection can raised against this essay in prophecy that was
>> raised against Keynes' earlier "Economic Possibilities for our
>> Grandchildren": that it assumes that all material wants in the wealthy
>> nations will be quickly saturated, and that it completely ignores the
>> capital needs of the poor countries. In these respects Keynes was a child
>> of his times. He did not foresee that technology would constantly create
>> new products and underestimated the ability of advertising constantly to
>> create new wants. Above all, he did not foresee the postwar population
>> explosion in the developing countries. This factor, more than anything
>> else, has rendered his prophecy academic.
>>
>> Nevertheless, it does raise some pretty fundamental questions about what
>> economics is for, as well as the distinctly awkward question of how far the
>> peoples of wealthy nations should continue postponing their own "golden
>> age" until everyone in the world has caught up with them. What is certain
>> is that Keynes would never have worshipped at the altar of GDP. The rate of
>> per-capita income growth was only important to him as an indication of the
>> speed at which societies were approaching material abundance. Beyond that
>> point, he expected that rates of growth would and should slow down. One can
>> surmise that he would have had little sympathy for "endogenous growth
>> theory" which promises to postpone the slowdown of rich countries, and thus
>> the "catch up" of poorer countries, into a far distant future.
>>
>> My purpose in this paper has not been to enter into an argument with
>> Keynes. It has been to show that his thought, from whatever period of his
>> life one chooses to take it, is richer, more suggestive, and more
>> unexpected than the textbook Keynesianism that still flourishes, or the
>> administrative Keynesianism that ruled policy in the 1950s and 1960s. His
>> views on the minimum sustainable rate of unemployment and his fiscal
>> philosophy still have a great deal to offer governments. His reminder that
>> economics needs to retain its connection with the non-economic ends of life
>> as these have been conceived by moralists and ethical philosophers remains
>> a necessary warning against blind worship of the golden calf, and against
>> marketization carried to extreme lengths. So I say: Down with Keynesianism,
>> and up with Keynes!
>
>
>
> On Fri, Apr 13, 2012 at 11:50 AM, Arthur Cordell <[email protected]>wrote:
>
>> Keith see the url below  Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren
>>
>>
>> http://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/keynes/1930/our-grandchi
>> ldren.htm<http://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/economics/keynes/1930/our-grandchi%0Aldren.htm>
>>
>> Keynes saw the world quite clearly.  He saw a future where we wouldn't
>> have
>> create work and worry about unemployment.
>>
>> -----Original Message-----
>> From: [email protected]
>> [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Ed Weick
>> Sent: Friday, April 13, 2012 2:12 PM
>> To: Keith Hudson; RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION, EDUCATION
>> Subject: Re: [Futurework] "Efficiency's Promise: Too Go od to Be True"
>> "More
>> Jobs Predicted for Machi nes, Not People"
>>
>> Not sure that you have Keynes and Marx right here, Keith.  When I studied
>> economics, Keynesianism was still very much the vogue.  I don't recall
>> that
>> his solutions were to be applied via the banks or printing money.  Rather,
>> the idea was to involve large scale public works etc. when the private
>> sector ran out of steam and the public sector had to kick in.  I suppose
>> that borrowing and printing money might have been part of this, but it was
>> not emphasized.  As for Marx, the ideas were very good, but how would you
>> ever do what he recommended.  Well, as Lenin and Stalin demonstrated, the
>> state would do it, and in doing it, they would convert a humane idea into
>> a
>> horror show.
>>
>> One of the best books I've read on why good ideas go terribly wrong is
>> John
>> Gray's "Black Mass".  If you haven't read it, do take a look.
>>
>> Ed
>>
>>
>> ----- Original Message -----
>> From: Keith Hudson
>> To: RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION,EDUCATION ; Tom Walker
>> Sent: Thursday, April 12, 2012 10:32 PM
>> Subject: Re: [Futurework] "Efficiency's Promise: Too Go od to Be True"
>> "More
>> Jobs Predicted for Machi nes, Not People"
>>
>>
>> Tom,
>>
>> Your previous comments over the years on FW concerning the "lump of labour
>> fallacy" caused quite a change of mind in my own thinking, so I was
>> interested to read your recent exegesis of the increasing
>> automation-joblessness problem on your ecologicalheadstand website. There,
>> you contrast the different approaches taken by Marx and Keynes in trying
>> to
>> solve the same problem. Here, I'd just like to describe what I think are
>> the
>> reasons why they both failed.
>>
>> Marx was writing at a time when factory conditions were still atrocious
>> (or
>> at least had been a few years previously according to the out-of-date
>> statistics that Engels was feeding him with) and workers (mostly fresh
>> from
>> the countryside and highly biddable) were being badly exploited by the
>> factory owners (with the exception of a few such as Robert Owen, and some
>> of
>> the Quakers, etc).  On the whole, though, workers were slowly beginning to
>> prosper and, due to gradually improving water and sewage works in the
>> large
>> cities, children were surviving in larger numbers and the population was
>> expanding at a fast clip. They were beginning to buy modest versions of
>> the
>> sort of consumer products that the middle-class were already buying.
>> Growing
>> production efficiencies were such that a growing demand could be met and
>> even if workers were displaced from one factory due to more automation
>> they
>> could usually find another job in a factory in a slightly newer industry.
>> Note, however, that when Marx was writing none of the consumer goods were
>> yet important enough (or pricey enough) that they were transformational
>> both
>> in their economic effects (the saving of money to buy the goods) and in
>> their social use. Within two or three decades, however, workers were able
>> to
>> buy a bicycle, for example, which enabled them to be much more choosy
>> about
>> where they might work for the best wages.
>>
>> By the time Keynes was writing most of the iconic consumer goods that we
>> have today (electrical goods of many sorts, telephone, radio, television,
>> car) were already in existence for the enjoyment of a growing middle-class
>> (what I term the 20-class of today), but not yet for most of the
>> population
>> (what I term the 20-class of today). And they certainly weren't for the
>> millions of workers in the industries which had been highly profitable
>> (producing highly exportable goods) in the years before World War I. These
>> were cotton, coal, ship building, heavy engineering (bridges, railway
>> locomotives, etc). These were no longer profitable (or exportable)
>> because,
>> although money had inflated three times during the War, the Bank of
>> England
>> (then more powerful than the Government) was intent on deflating the pound
>> until it was as valuable as the pre-war pound. Many workers' wages in the
>> big industries were ground down and owners couldn't get the capital to
>> reinstate their machinery, worn-down by the war. Exports were drying up.
>> Keynes' General Theory was therefore concerned mostly with how to overcome
>> this large-scale unemployment problem rather than to describe an economic
>> theory of an economy in equilibrium. Although there was a cornucopia of
>> consumer goods that were, in theory, available for millions of workers to
>> buy they simply hadn't enough wages (or had none at all) to buy them with.
>>
>> But neither Marx or Keynes were able to imagine a world in which credit
>> would become so widely available as today (or, rather until 2008). By
>> 1980/90 or so, not only were workers receiving wages that enabled them to
>> buy consumer goods that Marx could never even dream of, workers were able
>> to
>> get credit for money far beyond anything Keynes could possibly imagine. In
>> his day (when he wrote his Theory), the big commercial banks were growing
>> so
>> fast and so out of control of the Bank of England (or of the Fed in
>> America)
>> that instead of keeping up to 20% or even 30% of cash in reserve when they
>> created credit (to carefully assessed customers) they allowed their
>> reserves
>> to decline to almost nothing (0% to 2% or 3%) by the time of the 2008/9
>> crash, Instead of being constrained to give credit of something up to 3
>> or 4
>> times their reserves, they were beginning to give almost unlimited credit.
>> And, just to make sure (so they thought) they were all in addition buying
>> and selling insurance policies (derivatives) from one another. In Japan,
>> America and Europe, the commercial banks felt impregnable until 2008/9 hit
>> them (though it hit Japan in 1990). (The small number of investment banks
>> were in far better condition because they were clever enough to invent the
>> myriad of derivatives with which they conned the high street banks.)
>>
>> But despite the limitations of their respective theories, both Marx and
>> Keynes (geniuses both to be sure) were aware that the very real problem of
>> almost total automation of consumer goods still existed over the longer
>> term. Who would be able to buy them? It is this ultimate problem which
>> neither has been able to solve. Marx's solution (communism) has already
>> collapsed, Keynes' solution (government controlled money-printing and
>> attempted bail-outs of the banks) looks very much as though it is not
>> succeeding.
>>
>> Keith
>>
>>
>> At 00:11 13/04/2012, you wrote:
>>
>> An invisible thread connects David Owen's The Conundrum ( "Efficiency's
>> Promise: Too Good to Be True") and Erik Brynjolfsson's and Andrew McAfee's
>> Race Against the Machine ( "More Jobs Predicted for Machines, Not
>> People").
>> Both books address real -- and very important -- problems but they both
>> arrive at false conclusions.
>>
>> The "conundrum," according to Owen, boils down to a lack of commitment
>> driven by conflicting motives, "Do we honestly care?" he laments at the
>> end,
>> citing George Orwell's observation that, "All left-wing parties in the
>> highly industrialized countries are at bottom a sham, because they make it
>> their business to fight against something which they do not really wish to
>> destroy."
>>
>> Meanwhile, Brynjolfsson and McAfee prescribe the clichéd panaceas of
>> education, "flexibility" and entrepreneurship: "Our skills and
>> institutions
>> will have to improve faster to keep up lest more and more of the labor
>> force
>> faces technological unemployment."
>>
>> continued at:
>>
>>
>> http://ecologicalheadstand.blogspot.ca/2012/04/efficiencys-promise-too-good-
>> to-be-true.html?spref=fb<http://ecologicalheadstand.blogspot.ca/2012/04/efficiencys-promise-too-good-%0Ato-be-true.html?spref=fb>
>>
>> --
>> Cheers,
>>
>> Tom Walker (Sandwichman)
>> _______________________________________________
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>> https://lists.uwaterloo.ca/mailman/listinfo/futurework
>> Keith Hudson, Saltford, England http://allisstatus.wordpress.com
>>
>>
>>
>>
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>
>
>
> --
> Cheers,
>
> Tom Walker (Sandwichman)
>
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-- 
Cheers,

Tom Walker (Sandwichman)
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