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>From: Robert Weissman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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>Subject: [corp-focus] TABD: Corporate Conspiracy
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>TABD: Corporate Conspiracy
>By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
>
>Corporate rule is not built on a conspiracy. But that does not mean that
>corporations never conspire.
>
>Sometimes corporate executives do gather in secret meetings and work to
>plot collective approaches to advance Big Business's broad interests. Case
>in point: the TransAtlantic Business Dialogue (TABD).
>
>The TABD is a grouping of top corporate executives from multinational
>corporations in the United States and Europe. TABD CEOs meet annually with
>top U.S. and European government officials, most recently this past week
>in Cincinnati. The TABD's mission is to boost trade and investment between
>the United States and Europe, as well as throughout the world.
>
>The CEOs in TABD are vigorously urging the launch of a new World Trade
>Organization (WTO) negotiating round (the project that was stifled in
>Seattle), and for other enlargements of the WTO.
>
>But the TABD's unique mission is to focus on the U.S.-EU relationship, and
>push forward a deregulatory agenda that it hopes to then impose on the
>entire world.
>
>The TABD is explicit that its concerns go way beyond traditional tariff
>issues. "Elected representatives agreed in the Uruguay Round [the last
>completed negotiating round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
>(GATT), which led to the creation of the WTO] to largely remove
>traditional tariffs as inefficient restraints on economic liberty,"
>proclaims the TABD's 2000 Mid-Year Report. "The new obstacles to trade are
>now domestic regulations."
>
>"Non-tariff barriers to operations should be tackled with the same zeal,"
>as tariffs were reduced, the report insists.
>
>The TABD inventory of domestic regulations that constitute "obstacles to
>trade" is remarkably expansive. Among the areas where TABD has registered
>complaints: differential standards for review of chemical safety, the U.S.
>requirement that products be labeled with U.S. customary units
>(inch/pound) instead of the metric system, differing national standards
>for regulating electromagnetic fields (relevant to cell phone regulation),
>restrictions on direct-to-consumer pharmaceutical advertising in the EU,
>and potential U.S. emissions regulations for diesel engines for
>recreational boats that may differ from the EU's. The TABD also argues
>that the U.S. product liability system is a "serious impediment to
>transatlantic trade and investment."
>
>A consistent theme of the TABD's list of complaints is inconsistency
>between countries' regulations. The TABD CEOs view diversity of regulatory
>approaches -- what should be viewed as among the blessings of democracy --
>as itself a trade barrier.
>
>To achieve uniformity, TABD ardently supports regulatory "harmonization"
>-- formal international mechanisms to establish single global standards. A
>second choice is Mutual Recognition Agreements (MRAs), by which different
>regulatory regimes are declared equivalent, and products cleared in one
>country are given a free pass into another -- even if the first country's
>regulatory system is in fact inferior to the importing country's.
>
>For almost every regulatory complaint TABD lodges, the organization's
>proposed solution is either harmonization or an MRA. The effort has been
>enormously successful, with MRAs in place or in progress for everything
>from electrical safety to pharmaceutical safety, and harmonization in
>place or underway for areas ranging from road safety to aircraft noise.
>
>TABD-style uniformity virtually always involves the use of the weaker
>standard, meaning consumer, environmental and worker well-being is put at
>risk. Even more worrisome is how TABD uniformity would block regulatory
>evolution. Once standard-setting is placed at the international level, it
>is largely removed from the reach of citizen movements, making it far, far
>harder to protest and lobby for strengthened biotech regulations, for
>example. The MRAs also thwart regulatory enhancement, by enabling domestic
>manufacturers to say that stiffer standards will unfairly disadvantage
>them against importers who get a free pass under other countries' weaker
>rules.
>
>To ensure that its anti-democratic demands are attended to by the
>purportedly democratic governments of the United States and the EU, TABD
>issues yearly scorecards on the trading partners' compliance with TABD
>recommendations. And now it has established an "early warning system," so
>that Big Business can force items onto the U.S.-EU negotiating agenda.
>Among the top U.S. side concerns: Italian restrictions on genetically
>modified foods and a European environmental regulation requiring
>electronics manufacturers to provide for the recycling of discarded
>products.
>
>Unfortunately, these series of recommendations are not just corporate wish
>lists. When the TABD speaks, the governments listen (in fact, top public
>officials are in the room with the CEOs at their annual gatherings).
>
>"It is difficult to overstate the effect the TABD has had on trade
>liberalization," Undersecretary of Commerce Timothy Hauser told a
>Congressional committee in 1997. "Virtually every market-opening move
>undertaken by the United States and the EU in the last couple years has
>been suggested by the TABD."
>
>But now, with help from groups like Corporate Europe Observatory
>(www.xs4all.nl/~ceo) and Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch
>(www.tradewatch.org) which have been tracking the TABD for years, the
>growing movement against corporate globalization is learning of TABD's
>scheming.
>
>With hundreds of informed and militant protesters shining a spotlight on
>TABD last week in Cincinnati, the CEOs in TABD have at least been deprived
>of the power that comes from being able to hatch their deregulatory plots
>in secret. How effectively TABD will be able to function in the light of
>day remains to be seen.
>
>
>Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime
>Reporter. Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based
>Multinational Monitor. They are co-authors of Corporate Predators: The
>Hunt for MegaProfits and the Attack on Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common
>Courage Press, 1999).
>
>(c) Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
>
>
>_______________________________________________
>
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