Ya bikin sana pendapat ente apa. Lalu tulis pendapat ane apa. Lalu bandingkan! Susah amat?!!!! Hehehehehehe.
Ente suka nulis salah, terus lari. Ditanya gak dijawab. Mana pernah pertanyaan ente gak ane jawab?!!! Eling….eling…. Nesare From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Tuesday, October 11, 2016 2:19 PM To: Yahoogroups <[email protected]> Subject: RE: [GELORA45] Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest? Anda lihat sendiri posting anda dibawah, bukankah itu seakan mengesankan pendapat saya. Anda suka sekali memanipulasi kata2 orang. Perbaiki dulu baru ngomong lebih lanjut! Nesare: Eh pakai issue ""privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company" ini bashing ane??!! Statement ini memagn benar!!! Salahnya dimana????!!!!!! ---In [email protected] <mailto:[email protected]> , <nesare1@... <mailto:nesare1@...> > wrote : Jonathan: Hi manipulator, yg bilang ""privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company" itu anda, kalau anda tidak mengakui ya yang bilang kunyuk. Perbaiki dulu kutipan anda dibawah baru ngomong! Nesare: siapa yang mengingkari?!!!! Memang begitulah definisi! Cari dimana saja. referensinya seluruh orang bisnis ngerti itu! Seperti 1 +1 = 2! Yang enggak tahu itu ente. Para ekonom dari HBR, VV Ramanadhan termasuk ane menggunakan kata swasta/privat sbg non pemerintah dalam konteks tertentu. Konteksnya apa? Konteksnya karena dulunya perusahaan negara itu adalah 100% milik pemerintah dan kalau mau dijual dengan alasan pejabatnya korupsi dan kurang maju perusahaan negara itu hanya bisa dijual ke swasta non pemerintah! Jadi konteksnya swasta non pemerintah digunakan utk menjelaskan penjualan ke swasta non pemerintah. Sekarang dunia sudah berbeda. Ilmu bisnis maju. Financial instrument sudah canggih. Timbul istilah public dan private company. disini artinya lain. Ini yang ente gak ngerti. Sampai2 delisting pun ente gak ngerti. Hanya sok tahu saja. hanya pernah mendengar saja tetapi gak ngerti pemahamannya. Gimana bisa mengatakan delisting/privatization itu membeli saham2 dari bursa. Sedangkan delisting/privatization itu adalah merubah status dari public company menjadi private company. saham2nya mah tetap dimiliki oleh shareholders. TETAP!!!!!!!!! Eh pakai issue ""privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company" ini bashing ane??!! Statement ini memagn benar!!! Salahnya dimana????!!!!!! Bener2 goblok!!!!!! Nesare From: [email protected] <mailto:[email protected]> [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Tuesday, October 11, 2016 1:32 PM To: Yahoogroups <[email protected] <mailto:[email protected]> > Subject: RE: [GELORA45] Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest? Hi manipulator, yg bilang ""privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company" itu anda, kalau anda tidak mengakui ya yang bilang kunyuk. Perbaiki dulu kutipan anda dibawah baru ngomong! ---In <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected], < <mailto:nesare1@...> nesare1@...> wrote : Jonathan: Arti “privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company. Arti privatisasi dan atau swastanisasi yang digunakan oleh banyak orang Indonesia itu salah kaprah dari kaidah ilmu bisnis. Ente dan banyak orang Indonesia itu tidak tahu! Nesare: memangnya ane salahin yang menggunakan istilah swasta = non pemerintah?!!!! Yang ane salahkan itu ente bukan orang HBR atau VV ramanadhan dan 2 pemenang noble 2016 goblok! Kenapa? Karena ente hanya berpendapat bahwa swasta = non pemerintah! Sedangkan arti swasta itu bukan itu! Dari ilmu bisnis swasta itu adalah lawan dari public. Ente dari dulu hanya beranggapan swasta adalah lawan dari pemerintah. Para ekonom ketika ngomongin public policy mengerti arti dari swasta itu. Ente enggak!!!!!! Itu karena dulunya perusahaan negara itu 100% dimiliki oleh pemerintah dan yang beli hanyalah non pemerintah. Apalagi tidak mau dijual ke asing takut dengan imperialism. Sekarang dunia sudah berbeda. Bisnis sudah menggelobal. Semua bisa beli dan bisa jual. Kalau mereka nulis ttg bisnis ya jelas sekali mereka tahu public vs private company bukan pemerintah vs non pemerintah. Ampun ampun….gobloknya. Nesare From: <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected] [ <mailto:[email protected]> mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Tuesday, October 11, 2016 12:31 PM To: Yahoogroups < <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected]> Subject: RE: [GELORA45] Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest? Memangnya siapa yang bilang dibawah? apakah mungkin kunyuk yang ngomong? kutipan: Arti “privatization” dari ilmu bisnis dimanapun diseluruh dunia adalah hanya 1: delisting dari bursa yang artinya berubah dari public company menjadi private company. Arti privatisasi dan atau swastanisasi yang digunakan oleh banyak orang Indonesia itu salah kaprah dari kaidah ilmu bisnis. Ente dan banyak orang Indonesia itu tidak tahu! <https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/GELORA45/conversations/messages/194831?soc_src=mail&soc_trk=ma> https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/GELORA45/conversations/messages/194831 ---In <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected], < <mailto:nesare1@...> nesare1@...> wrote : Siapa yang bilang HBR salah dan gak ngerti bisnis? Ane bilang ente yang salah dan gak ngerti bisnis! 2 pemenang nobel yang baru 2016 juga menggunakan istilah privatization dalam mengartikan perpindahan hak kepemilikan dari pemerintah ke swasta (non pemerintah). Ini konteksnya perusahaan milik pemerintah 100% dimiliki oleh pemerintah! Kalau perusahaan pemerintah itu sudah go public (artinya pemerintah sudah tidak memiliki saham2nya semuanya alias100% lagi), istilah privatisasi itu sudah tidak benar. Kenapa salah? Karena perusahaan pemerintah yang sudah go public itu sudah dimiliki oleh non pemerintah (rakyat dan asing). Bagaimana bisa disebut privatisasi/swastanisasi lagi? Wong perusahaannya sudah dimiliki oleh swasta/non pemerintah!!! Nesare From: <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected] [ <mailto:[email protected]> mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Monday, October 10, 2016 4:54 PM To: <mailto:[email protected]> [email protected] Subject: [GELORA45] Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest? Dari Harvard Business Review, kalau HBR juga dibilang salah dan nggak ngerti bisnis ya nggak tahulah. --- <https://hbr.org/1991/11/does-privatization-serve-the-public-interest> https://hbr.org/1991/11/does-privatization-serve-the-public-interest <https://hbr.org/topic/economy> ECONOMY Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest? * <https://hbr.org/search?term=john+b.+goodman> John B. Goodman * <https://hbr.org/search?term=gary+w.+loveman> Gary W. Loveman FROM THE NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1991 ISSUE For decades prior to the 1980s, governments around the world increased the scope and magnitude of their activities, taking on a variety of tasks that the private sector previously had performed. In the United States, the federal government built highways and dams, conducted research, increased its regulatory authority across an expanding horizon of activities, and gave money to state and local governments to support functions ranging from education to road building. In Western Europe and Latin America, governments nationalized companies, whole industries, banks, and health care systems, and in Eastern Europe, communist regimes strove to eliminate the private sector altogether. Then in the 1980s, the tide of public sector expansion began to turn in many parts of the world. In the United States, the Reagan administration issued new marching orders: “Don’t just stand there, undo something.” A central tenet of the “undoing” has been the privatization of government assets and services. According to privatization’s supporters, this shift from public to private management is so profound that it will produce a panoply of significant improvements: boosting the efficiency and quality of remaining government activities, reducing taxes, and shrinking the size of government. In the functions that are privatized, they argue, the profit-seeking behavior of new, private sector managers will undoubtedly lead to cost cutting and greater attention to customer satisfaction. This newfound faith in privatization has spread to become the global economic phenomenon of the 1990s. Throughout the world, governments are turning over to private managers control of everything from electrical utilities to prisons, from railroads to education. By the end of the 1980s, sales of state enterprises worldwide had reached a total of over $185 billion—with no signs of a slowdown. In 1990 alone, the world’s governments sold off $25 billion in state-owned enterprises—with continents vying to see who could claim the privatization title. The largest single sale occurred in Britain, where investors paid over $10 billion for 12 regional electricity companies. New Zealand sold more than 7 state-owned companies, including the government’s telecommunications company and printing office, for a price that topped $3 billion. Developing countries have been quick to jump on the privatization bandwagon, sometimes as a matter of political and economic ideology, other times simply to raise revenue. Argentina, for example, launched a major privatization program that included the sale of its telephone monopoly, national airline, and petrochemical company for more than $2.1 billion. Mexico’s aggressive efforts to reduce the size and operating cost of the public sector have resulted in proceeds of $2.4 billion. Over the next decade, privatization is likely to be at the top of the economic agenda of the newly liberated countries in Eastern Europe, as well. Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland are all committed to privatization and are in the process of working out the legal details. The most extensive change thus far has taken place in what was the German Democratic Republic. In 1990 alone, the Treuhandanstalt—the public trust agency charged by the German government with the task of privatization arranged the sale of more than 300 companies for approximately $1.3 billion. The agency still has more than 5,000 companies on its books, all looking for buyers. Having migrated around the world, privatization has also changed venue in the United States, from the federal government to state and local governments. Over 11 states are now making use of privately built and operated correctional facilities; others plan to privatize roadways. At the local level, communities are turning to private operators to run their vehicle fleets, manage sports and recreation facilities, and provide transit service. In the past several years, more and more state and local governments have adopted privatization as a way to balance their budgets, while maintaining at least tolerable levels of services. This growth of privatization has not, of course, gone uncontested. Critics of widespread privatization contend that private ownership does not necessarily translate into improved efficiency. More important, they argue, private sector managers may have no compunction about adopting profit-making strategies or corporate practices that make essential services unaffordable or unavailable to large segments of the population. A profit-seeking operation may not, for example, choose to provide health care to the indigent or extend education to poor or learning-disabled children. Efforts to make such activities profitable would quite likely mean the reintroduction of government intervention—after the fact. The result may be less appealing than if the government had simply continued to provide the services in the first place. Overriding the privatization debate has been a disagreement over the proper role of government in a capitalist economy. Proponents view government as an unnecessary and costly drag on an otherwise efficient system; critics view government as a crucial player in a system in which efficiency can be only one of many goals. There is a third perspective: the issue is not simply whether ownership is private or public. Rather, the key question is under what conditions will managers be more likely to act in the public’s interest. The debate over privatization needs to be viewed in a larger context and recast more in terms of the recent argument that has raged in the private sector over mergers and acquisitions. Like the mergers and acquisitions issue, privatization involves the displacement of one set of managers entrusted by the shareholders—the citizens—with another set of managers who may answer to a very different set of shareholders. The wave of mergers and acquisitions that shook the U.S. business community in the late 1980s was a stark demonstration that private ownership alone is not enough to ensure that managers will invariably act in the shareholders’ best interests. The sharp increase in shareholder value generated by most of the takeovers was the result of the market’s anticipation of improvements in efficiency, customer service, and general managerial effectiveness—gains which might, for example, come from the elimination of unnecessary staff, the cessation of unprofitable activities, and improvements in incentives for managers to maximize shareholder value. In other words, the gains from takeovers were the result of the anticipated removal of managerial practices commonly thought to characterize public sector management. The lessons from this experience are directly applicable to the debate over privatization: managerial accountability to the public’s interest is what counts most, not the form of ownership. Refocusing the discussion to analyze the impact of privatization on managerial control moves the debate away from the ideological ground of private versus public to the more pragmatic ground of managerial behavior and accountability. Viewed in that context, the pros and cons of privatization can be measured against the standards of good management—regardless of ownership. What emerges are three conclusions: 1. Neither public nor private managers will always act in the best interests of their shareholders. Privatization will be effective only if private managers have incentives to act in the public interest, which includes, but is not limited to, efficiency. 2. Profits and the public interest overlap best when the privatized service or asset is in a competitive market. It takes competition from other companies to discipline managerial behavior. 3. When these conditions are not met, continued governmental involvement will likely be necessary. The simple transfer of ownership from public to private hands will not necessarily reduce the cost or enhance the quality of services. The Privatization Debate Privatization, as it has emerged in public discussion, is not one clear and absolute economic proposition. Rather it covers a wide range of different activities, all of which imply a transfer of the provision of goods and services from the public to the private sector. For example, privatization covers the sale of public assets to private owners, the simple cessation of government programs, the contracting out of services formerly provided by state organizations to private producers, and the entry by private producers into markets that were formerly public monopolies. Privatization also means different things in different parts of the world—where both the fundamentals of the economy and the purpose served by privatization may differ. One accounting of privatization appears in Raymond Vernon’s The Promise of Privatization, a comparative analysis of international privatization activities of all sorts. According to Vernon’s figures, by the late 1980s, the growth in state-owned enterprises in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Western Europe had generated a nonfinancial state-owned sector accounting for an average of 10% of gross domestic product, with much higher shares in France, Italy, New Zealand, and elsewhere. In many developing countries, state-owned enterprises operated at substantial deficits and were responsible for as much as one-half of all outstanding domestic indebtedness. In many instances, Vernon says, privatization in these countries was driven purely by the public sector’s sorry financial condition. As conditions worsened in the early 1980s and credit markets tightened significantly, these governments sold off public assets to raise cash. Contrary to the skeptics’ assertion that governments won’t sell the winners and can’t sell the losers, governments sold off many prized assets in the 1980s. The most notable example is in the United Kingdom, where by 1987, the Thatcher government had shed more than $20 billion in state assets, including British Airways, British Telecom, and British Gas. Sales also ran into the billions of dollars in France and Italy, and many less developed countries sold off a large portion of their interests in public enterprises. The story in the United States has been somewhat different, largely because the U.S. government has never had as many assets to privatize. Compare, for example, the concentration of public sector employment in other nations to that in the United States. In the late 1970s, nearly 7% of employees in other developed market economies worked in state-owned enterprises; the comparable figure for the United States was less than 2%. Unlike other industrialized countries where many of the utilities and basic industries are state-owned—and thus ripe targets for privatization—in the United States, the telecommunications, railroad, electrical power generation and transmission, gas distribution, oil, coal, and steel industries are entirely or almost entirely privately owned. If there is a similar privatization phenomenon in the United States to the one Vernon describes in developing countries, it is in state and local governments where financial conditions in recent years have reached crisis proportions. Budgetary shortfalls have induced administrators to consider privatization as a means to avoid higher taxes or large cuts in services. Touche Ross surveys of state comptrollers in 1989 and city managers and county executives in 1987 show that the vast majority of state and local governments contract out some services to private providers. The most often cited motivation for contracting out was to achieve operating cost savings; survey results from city and county administrators suggest that, in nearly every case, some cost savings were achieved. The second most often cited reason for contracting out was to solve labor problems with unionized government employees. Asset sales, on the other hand, were uncommon: only 5 state governments of the 31 that responded to the survey had used that approach. A second impetus for privatization emerged in the United States in the 1980s. Privatization was a central piece of the Reagan administration’s efforts to reduce the size of government and balance the budget. A book by former Reagan staffer Stuart Butler, Privatizing Federal Spending: A Strategy to Eliminate the Deficit, provides an intellectual rallying point for conservative efforts to reduce the federal government payroll and put a brake on the growth in government spending. Butler argues that private enterprises will cut costs and improve quality in an effort to gain profits and compete for more government contracts. Government providers, on the other hand, will pursue other objectives, such as increased employment or improved working conditions for government employees—initiatives that only result in higher costs, poorer quality, or both. But most important, Butler contends, is that privatization can simply reduce the size of government. Fewer government workers and fewer people supporting a larger role for government means less of a drain on the nation’s budget and overall economic efficiency. Butler’s arguments for privatization find sympathetic ears at the California-based Reason Foundation, which has been advocating privatization of both public assets and public services since the late 1970s. Using language designed to push the hot button of the average taxpayer, the foundation claims: “If your city is not taking full advantage of privatization, your cost of local government may be 30% to 50% higher than it need be. The costs of state and federal government are also greater without privatization.” To the Reason Foundation, the benefits of privatization are clear and nearly universal; there seem to be no limits to the type of government activities that would benefit from privatization. Its annual report, Privatization 1991, considers privatization activities of all sorts around the world, always with a uniformly optimistic perspective. The message is clear: the shift in ownership or control from public to private hands will necessarily lead to cheaper, better services for the citizenry. As its press release states: “No service is immune from privatization.” This may sound extreme, but there is a practical experience to support its ideologically driven claim. Within the United States, an impressive array of cities and local governments has made effective use of privatization to improve efficiency, increase competition, and reduce expenditures. Consider the case of Chicago. City towing crews could not keep up with abandoned vehicles that littered the streets, so in 1989, the city government turned to a number of neighborhood companies. The private sector operators paid the city $25 per vehicle, which they then sold for scrap. What had been a drain on Chicago’s resources turned into a $1.2 million bonanza. In addition, city crews were freed up to focus their efforts on illegal downtown parking. Chicago also found that competition from the private sector could create incentives for public managers to be more effective. In 1990, city street-paving crews in Chicago were inspired to improve their performance when the city government decided to hire private contractors to pave adjacent wards. According to Mayor Richard M. Daley, both sets of crews began to compete “to see who could do the job faster and better.” Of course, all of the evidence is not on one side of the privatization debate. The expansion of the private sector into prisons, for example, has generated considerable controversy. As John Donahue reports in The Privatization Decision: Public Ends, Private Means, corrections departments in all but a few states have contracted with private firms to build prisons. And over two-thirds of all facilities for juvenile offenders are privately run, albeit most on a not-for-profit basis. But in recent years, several large corporations have sought to extend the role of the private sector to the incarceration of adult criminals. This prospect of private corporations owning and operating prisons for adult offenders raises questions of costs and competition. As Donahue writes in a separate report on prisons: “Even if corrections entrepreneurs somehow succeed in cutting incarceration costs through improved management, there is unlikely to be enough competition, in any given community, to ensure that cost savings are passed on to the taxpayers, particularly after private contractors have become entrenched. Indeed, private prison operators insist on long-term contracts which buffer them from competition.” Often privatization’s promises vastly exceed its results. In the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA), for example, the federal government decided to relinquish most direct responsibility for job training. On the surface, the JTPA appears a resounding success: two-thirds of the adult trainees found jobs, and over 60% of youth trainees had positive experiences. But, JTPA local officials and training contractors can affect their measured performance by screening applicants. The problem in the JTPA system is not private ownership, but the controls and performance measurements of the private owners. With only short-term performance measurements and no enforced imperative to create long-term value, JTPA’s statistics give the impression that privatization has made much more difference for the employment, earnings, and productive capacity of American workers than it actually has. As Donahue notes: “It is as if Medicaid physicians were presented with a population of patients suffering from complaints ranging from tendinitis to brain tumors, were asked to choose two or three percent for treatment, and then were paid on the basis of how many were still breathing when they left the hospital.” In addition to the problems of insufficient competition and monitoring, there are broader objections to the no-holds-barred advocacy of privatization. While acknowledging that privatization may make sense on economic grounds, Paul Starr argues in his paper, “The Limits of Privatization,” that privatization will not always work best. “‘Best’ cannot mean only the cheapest or most efficient,” he writes, “for a reasonable appraisal of alternatives needs to weigh concerns of justice, security, and citizenship.” Starr also attacks the claim that privatization leads to less government. He contends that profit-seeking private enterprises servicing public customers will find it in their interests to lobby for the expansion of public spending with no less vigor than did their public sector predecessors. In other words, privatization introduces a feedback effect in which influence on government now comes from the “enlarged class of private contractors and other providers dependent on public money.” This influence is especially dangerous if private companies skim off only the most lucrative services, leaving public institutions as service providers of last resort for the highest cost population or operations. It is not hard to find examples of undue influence. Michael Willrich’s Washington Monthly article, “Department of Self-Services,” describes corrupt contracting practices in Mayor Marion Barry’s Washington D.C. administration that led to several investigations, trials, and convictions. Willrich claims that Rasheeda Moore, Barry’s former girlfriend, received $180,000 worth of contracts to run summer youth programs. In 1987, Alphonse Hill, a deputy mayor, was convicted of steering $300,000 in city contracts to a friend’s auditing firm. More generally, a lack of competition for government contracts actually leads to higher costs and creates perceptions of corruption. A New York Times special report, “The Contract Game: How New York Loses,” provides several examples. New York City’s Parking Violations Bureau hired American Management to help it design a system to bill for parking tickets and to record payment. As part of its consultancy, American Management wrote technical documents that became the basis for bid specification to build and implement the system. In 1987, the city awarded the $11 million contract to build and run the system to American Management, despite claims of impropriety from competing bidders. An audit by the New York State Comptroller showed that American Management had missed contract deadlines and that its system had billed millions of dollars in fines to New Yorkers who did not even own cars. The city had hoped to take over management of the system in 1990, but it has been unable to develop the necessary organization. Current plans anticipate city management in 1994. American Management has received a $10 million contract to r (Message over 64 KB, truncated)
