bagaimana darah bisa berkucur?
On Saturday, July 29, 2017 6:59 PM, Chan CT <[email protected]> wrote:
Nampaknya bung TIDAK BISA bersabar menunggu bagaimana tokoh2 pejuang DEMOKRAT
Tian An Men itu membuat KESIMPULAN dengan baik sebagai jawaban yang bung
tanyakan itu? Namun perlu saya luruskan sedikit, darah berkucur dilapangan Tian
An Men, tapi TIDAK sampai membanjir, ... kenyataan TIDAK ada korban jiwa sampai
ribuan bahkan ada yang lebih gila berteriak belasan ribu jiwa! Jawaban saya,
pada saat keras lawan keras, yang terjadi hanyalah KEPALA dibenturkan ke BATU,
...! Kalau saja benturan itu sedikit saja, tentu kepala benjut! Tapi, begitu
benturan itu agak keras yaa, bocorlah kepala orang! Lebih keras lagi, yaa bukan
saja kepala bocor, mampuslah anda, lalu, ... ??? From:
[email protected] [GELORA45] Sent: Sunday, July 30, 2017 12:34 AMTo:
[email protected] Subject: Re: [GELORA45] Re: The Hothouse Generation
bung Chan anda sama sekali tidak menjawab, bagaimana darah bisa membanjir?
---In [email protected], <SADAR@...> wrote :
Beginilah MODEL manusia-manusia berjiwa IBLIS sesungguhnya, pantaslah kalau
yang menamakan diri tokoh2 pejuang DEMOKRAT Tian An Men itu hampir lewat 30
tetap saja tidak juga berhasil membuat KESIMPULAN dengan baik! Apalagi diantara
mereka yang menggerakkan aksi demo di Tiaqn An Men itu jangankan bonyok, TIDAK
SEORANG pun kepala-mereka yang benjut, ...!!! Bung bersabarlah tunggu bagaimana
jawaban mereka itu, ... From: jonathangoeij@... [GELORA45]Sent: Saturday, July
29, 2017 3:04 PMTo: [email protected]: Re: [GELORA45] Re: The
Hothouse Generation bagaimana bertahan bisa darah membanjiri?
---In [email protected], <SADAR@...> wrote :
Masalah utama bukan “ketimbang bonyok”! Kalau saja tokoh2 utama nya yang
“bonyok” tentu TIDAK APA2, yang CELAKA dan sangat saangat tidak
bertanggungjawab adalah justru menjadikan massa demonstran sebagai TUMBAL, yang
boleh saja dikorbankan! Sikap TOKOH2 utama pejuang DEMOKRAT itu sangat, sangat
TIDAK BERTANGGUNGJAWAB, dalam melaksanakan perintah “BERTAHAN!” dilapangan Tian
An Men setelah jam ditentukan harus BERSIH! Tanpa memperhitungkan kemungkinan
yang akan terjadi dan bagaimana menghadapinya. Ini pertama. Kedua, tokoh2 utama
itu TIDAK SATU pun berada dilapangan untuk MEMIMPIN demonstrasi yang menghadapi
penggusuran itu, tapi SENGAJA MEMBIARKAN massa demonstrasi itu menjadi TUMBAL
untuk menjungkelkan pemerintah yang berkuasa dengan DARAH yang membanjiri
lapangan Tian An Men! PEMIKIRAN IBLIS yang sangat KEJAM dan tidak manusiawi!
Ketiga, lalu setelah kejadian penggusuran, untuk mewujutkan tujuan KEJI itu,
tokoh2 demokrat tidak segan2 memutar balik fakta, memfitnah TPRT telah
menembaki dan melindas massa demonstran dengan tank, ... melakukan kekejaman
kemanusiaan dalam menumpas rakyat yang berbeda pendapat! Dan, ... fitnah-fitnah
keji itu tetap saja didengungkan dengan santer bagaikan gramofon rusak, menjadi
suara SUMBANG yang meneriakkan dengan sekeras-kerasnya TANPA ada bukti akurat
yang bisa menunjang! Dan semua itu terjadi hanya karena tokoh2 pejuang demokrat
itu TETAP saja bersuara demi majikannya, AS yang telah menjadikan RRT sebagai
“ANCAMAN UTAMA” AS meneruskan pimpinan dunia! From: Jonathan Goeij
jonathangoeij@... [GELORA45]Sent: Saturday, July 29, 2017 7:25 AMTo:
YahoogroupsSubject: [GELORA45] Re: The Hothouse Generation kesimpulan yg
logis dan manusiawi "ketimbang bonyok" ---In [email protected],
<djiekh@...> wrote :
Kesimpulan dari mahasiswa2 menurut Ezra Vogel adalah :Student leaders,
considering what to do after June 4, acknowledged to one another that they had
been naïve in challenging the nation's leaders and in expecting them to give up
their power. Students of this generation, as well as the following generations,
took away from their tragic experience the lesson that direct confrontation
with the leadership would likely cause a reaction so forceful that it was not
worth the costs. The Chinese students after June 4, then, unlike their
counterparts in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, stopped attacking the
Communist Party. Many students came to believe that progress could only be
achieved by slowly building a base, by improving the economic livelihood of
more people, by improving people's understanding of public issues, and by
gradually developing experience in democracy and freedom. Even some students
who were not members of the Communist Party acknowledged that the leaders had
been in danger of losing control over the country, and that only the party
could maintain the stability necessary to promote economic growth. Many
believed that despite the corrupt and self-serving officials, the Communist-led
program that had brought about the reform and opening policies—and with them,
the improved livelihood of the people—was preferable to any likely alternative.
They hoped that after decades of stability and economic growth, a stronger base
for a freer society could develop. In the meantime, the vast majority of
student activists simply gave up promoting collective action and instead
concentrated on pursuing their own careers.
---In [email protected], <jonathangoeij@...> wrote :
Tulisan ini bagus, terima kasih telah mem-posting bung Djie. Memang benar
kelihatan sekali para demonstran itu terlalu naive menganggap para pemimpin
negara akan melihat ketulusan mereka "... harbored the illusion that their
national leaders would recognize their patriotism and their high morals, talk
with them, take their concerns as legitimate, and deal with the issues they
were raising." Mereka terlalu naive sehingga menjadi korban sia2 dan hanya bisa
bersedih akibat pembantaian yang dilakukan para pemimpin negara yang ebih
memilih mempertahankan kekuasaan dgn berbagai cara apapun biarpun itu
mengorbankan rakyatnya sendiri "After June 4, students and their families
mourned those who had been killed or injured. They also mourned the loss of
hope that a more open, moral China would emerge in the near future." ---In
[email protected], <djiekh@...> wrote :
Tertarik dengan istilah bung Lin " ingusan", saya cari di bukuEzra F. Vogel,
Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China.Ini tulisannya di halaman 632 dan
633 :The Hothouse Generation and a postponement of Hope.The students and older
intellectuals who took part in the 1989 demonstrations—like intellectuals
throughout Chinese history—felt a deep sense of responsibility for the fate of
their country. They were, however, a hothouse generation, with little
experience outside their schools and universities. Unlike the students of the
late 1940s, they had not spent years building an organization to attain power.
Unlike the students of the early 1980s, they had not been tempered by political
campaigns, struggles during the Cultural Revolution, or work in the
countryside. They were the ablest students of their generation, but they had
been tested by examinations instead of experiences—they were the sheltered
beneficiaries of academic reform in the best middle schools and universities of
the country. Moreover, these students had grown up at a time in Chinese history
that offered no space for independent political activists to organize and test
their ideas. The demonstrators were not members of political organizations, but
a part of crowds with changing leaders and loosely affiliated participants.
Those who rose to take high positions in the movement did so not by displaying
superior judgment and strategic planning, but through their spontaneous oratory
and bravado. Those who remained in the square harbored the illusion that their
national leaders would recognize their patriotism and their high morals, talk
with them, take their concerns as legitimate, and deal with the issues they
were raising. 58 This hothouse student generation resembled Sun Yat-sen's
description of China in the 1920s: like a sheet of loose sand. Zhao Ziyang's
opponents blamed him for inciting the students and directing their spears at
Deng. Zhao's supporters, in turn, blamed his rivals for provoking the students
to embarrass Zhao. Both Zhao's supporters and his opponents may have tried to
direct the student protestors, but in fact they had little ability to do so.
The Chinese students marched to their own drummers. Even the students' own
leaders could only incite the protesters gathered in the square, not control
them. After June 4, students and their families mourned those who had been
killed or injured. They also mourned the loss of hope that a more open, moral
China would emerge in the near future. Student leaders, considering what to do
after June 4, acknowledged to one another that they had been naïve in
challenging the nation's leaders and in expecting them to give up their power.
Students of this generation, as well as the following generations, took away
from their tragic experience the lesson that direct confrontation with the
leadership would likely cause a reaction so forceful that it was not worth the
costs. The Chinese students after June 4, then, unlike their counterparts in
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, stopped attacking the Communist Party.
Many students came to believe that progress could only be achieved by slowly
building a base, by improving the economic livelihood of more people, by
improving people's understanding of public issues, and by gradually developing
experience in democracy and freedom. Even some students who were not members of
the Communist Party acknowledged that the leaders had been in danger of losing
control over the country, and that only the party could maintain the stability
necessary to promote economic growth. Many believed that despite the corrupt
and self-serving officials, the Communist-led program that had brought about
the reform and opening policies—and with them, the improved livelihood of the
people—was preferable to any likely alternative. They hoped that after decades
of stability and economic growth, a stronger base for a freer society could
develop. In the meantime, the vast majority of student activists simply gave up
promoting collective action and instead concentrated on pursuing their own
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