Pemeran angsa putih dalam Black Swan ini patah hati pada zion-ism.

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“Israel was created exactly 70 years ago as a haven for refugees from the 
Holocaust,” she writes. 
 “But the mistreatment of those suffering from today’s atrocities is simply not 
in line with my Jewish 

 values.”
 

 How Natalie Portman became the latest Israel-Palestine flashpoint
 

 She turned down Israel’s Nobel Prize — and kicked off a major firestorm.

 

 By Zack Beauchamp 
 Apr 23, 2018, 4:10pm EDT

 

 Emma McIntyre/Getty Images

 

 Natalie Portman, one of the most famous Jewish celebrities on the planet, just 
announced she was boycotting a major Israeli event.

 

 Portman was scheduled to travel to Jerusalem to receive the Genesis Prize, a 
prominent award sometimes referred to as the “Jewish Nobel.” On Friday, she 
abruptly canceled her visit, writing that she “did not want to appear as 
endorsing [Israeli Prime Minister] Benjamin Netanyahu” in an Instagram post 
explaining her decision. It’s not yet clear what’s happening to the $2 million 
in prize money that comes with the award.

 

 Celebrities deciding to avoid Israel on political grounds is not all that 
uncommon. Hollywood is left-leaning, and many celebrities are outspokenly 
pro-Palestinian. Netanyahu’s government is one of the furthest right in Israeli 
history, particularly when it comes to the conflict with the Palestinians. 
Tensions are to be expected.

 

 But Portman is an altogether different case. She is an Israeli citizen, born 
in Jerusalem, though she was raised in America and currently lives in France. 
In the past, Portman has been an outspoken advocate of Israel — as an 
undergraduate at Harvard, she worked on a prominent book defending the Jewish 
state against its critics. She speaks fluent Hebrew; in 2015, she wrote, 
directed, and starred in a Hebrew-language adaptation of Israeli author Amos 
Oz’s memoir.

 

 So Natalie Portman turning down a visit to Israel in protest is not business 
as usual, and Israeli politicians are not treating it as such. Oren Hazan, a 
member of Israel’s parliament from Netanyahu’s Likud Party, called for 
Portman’s Israeli citizenship to be stripped. A member of the cabinet, Energy 
Minister Yuval Steinitz, said her decision “has elements of anti-Semitism.”

 

 This is not a marginal controversy, some kind of celebrity sideshow. It is a 
leading indicator of the rising tensions between liberal American Jewry and the 
increasingly right-wing Israeli government. Portman is the canary in the coal 
mine, warning Israel that its policies on the Palestinians and African migrants 
are putting it increasingly at odds with its most natural friends abroad.
 

 Why Natalie Portman is skipping Israel’s version of the Nobel Prize

 

 The reason for Portman’s decision is more nuanced than it appeared at first 
blush.

 

 The Genesis Prize, in its own statement, said “recent events in Israel have 
been extremely distressing to her,” adding that “she does not feel comfortable 
participating in any public events in Israel.” This was widely interpreted as a 
reference to the crisis on the boundary between Israel and the 
Palestinian-populated Gaza Strip, in which Israeli troops have shot a number of 
Palestinians during occasionally violent demonstrations near a border fence. 

 

 If Portman were boycotting Israel entirely over Gaza, it would be a stunning 
development. It would suggest that she, one of a relatively few celebrities to 
have prominently defended Israel in the past, was supporting the 
Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. She would 
have, in effect, been signing up to serve as a prominent advocate for the 
international Palestinian cause.

 

 But Portman’s Instagram statement, which came after the Genesis Prize comment, 
gives a somewhat more subtle explanation. First, she explicitly denied that she 
was a BDS advocate; she was only skipping this event because Netanyahu was also 
scheduled to speak at it. “Like many Israelis and Jews around the world, I can 
be critical of the leadership in Israel without wanting to boycott the entire 
nation,” she writes.

 

 Second, her statement of grievance with Netanyahu’s government seemed to be at 
least in part about refugee policy. There are currently about 40,000 
undocumented migrants, mostly African asylum seekers, in Israel. Netanyahu’s 
government backed off initial plans to deport them, but in early April reneged 
on an agreement with the United Nations that would give them permanent status 
in Israel, leaving the refugees in limbo. Portman’s statement seemed to imply 
that this was the “recent event” that had so upset her.

 

 “Israel was created exactly 70 years ago as a haven for refugees from the 
Holocaust,” she writes. “But the mistreatment of those suffering from today’s 
atrocities is simply not in line with my Jewish values.”

 

 However, focusing on the past month or so of Israeli political developments 
somewhat misses the point. Portman has long been a critic of Netanyahu’s 
government; after his 2015 reelection, she told the Hollywood Reporter that she 
was “very, very upset and disappointed,” blasting him for “racist” comments 
about Arab voters during the campaign.

 

 Indeed, her statement contained a largely overlooked line — “because I care 
about Israel, I must stand up against violence, corruption, inequality, and 
abuse of power” — suggesting that this is about more than just current events, 
but rather broader concerns Portman has with the Netanyahu government. This is 
less about a boycott of the Israeli state writ large, and more an American Jew 
and Israeli citizen expressing her concern with the state’s current leadership.

 

 That, however, is still a big deal. Very few Jews, Israeli or diaspora, 
support a wholesale boycott of Israel. But views on Netanyahu’s government, 
specifically, are far more mixed. The fact that Portman is framing her 
criticism as coming from a place of affection for the Jewish state, not 
hostility, makes it more likely that other Jews — especially Americans — will 
take it seriously.

 

 “This is an important symbolic moment,” says Jeremy Pressman, a scholar of the 
Israeli-Palestinian conflict at the University of Connecticut. “She cannot just 
be written off as a BDS supporter.”
 

 Natalie Portman points to growing divide between Israel and American Jews

 

 If this were just one person taking a one-time stand, it wouldn’t be all that 
noteworthy. But Portman’s stand against the Netanyahu government points to much 
broader and deeper divides emerging between Israel and American Jews.

 

 On one level, the divide between Israeli and American Jews couldn’t be 
simpler: Israeli Jews are, on the whole, more conservative than their American 
peers. Forty-nine percent of American Jews identify as liberal, per Pew data; 
only 8 percent of Israeli Jews say the same. Nearly twice as many Israeli Jews 
(37 percent) as American Jews (19 percent) described themselves as politically 
conservative in Pew’s survey.

 

 This owes to profoundly different historical experiences. American Jewish 
identity comes from “a sense of exclusion from American society,” Steven M. 
Cohen, a research professor at Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of 
Religion, told me. Israel has a long and robust socialist political tradition 
but has tilted sharply rightward after the 1990s peace process collapsed into 
the violence of the Second Intifada and a 2005 military withdrawal from the 
Gaza Strip ended up with a takeover of the territory by the Islamist group 
Hamas.

 

 In every presidential election in recent memory, a majority of American Jews 
have voted for the Democratic candidate. Israel’s center-left Labour Party has 
not won an election since 1999.

 

 The result is a slow but steady sense of alienation of American Jews from the 
Israeli political system. A growing number of American Jews look at Israel and 
see a country that is occupying Palestinian territory and breaking up peaceful 
Palestinian protests using force and a Jewish state that only recognizes one 
socially conservative strand of Jewry, Orthodox Judaism, as legitimate — which 
manifests in things like preventing liberal American Jews from praying in mixed 
gender groups at the Western Wall, the holiest prayer site in Judaism.

 

 The Pew data shows a clear age gap here: Younger American Jews are, 
overwhelmingly, more skeptical about Israel’s political direction than their 
older peers. Five times as many American Jews between the ages of 18 and 29 
think the United States is “too supportive” of Israel as those over the age of 
65. Only a third of Jews between the ages of 18 and 49 believe Israel’s 
government is making a sincere attempt at peace with the Palestinians; the 
number is 10 points higher among Jews ages 50 and up.

 

 Natalie Portman, age 36, is one of the most prominent members of the younger 
cohort of American Jews. Her decision to cancel the speech serves not only as 
an example of tensions between liberal America and conservative Israel boiling 
over, but actually stokes the conflict: She is serving as a role model, a Jew 
and Zionist in good standing who’s willing to take a vocal stand against the 
Israeli government.

 

 This is why prominent Israeli politicians — who are, notably, right-wing — 
have called for her citizenship to be stripped, or tried to marginalize her as 
somehow anti-Semitic. They worry, not without cause, that she’s a harbinger of 
future conflict between Israel and its most important international ally.

 

 Now, there have always been tensions between Israel and diaspora Jewry. Every 
community has internal issues. But the ideological divide, particularly with 
respect to the Palestinians and the synagogue-state divide, has never been 
sharper. Brent Sasley, a political scientist at the University of Texas 
Arlington, tells me this an example of “the harmful global effects of the rise 
of the neo-nationalist/religious right in Israel” on Israel’s relationship with 
the diaspora — and it’s hard to argue with him.

 

 So long as Israel continues its rightward drift, incidents like this will 
almost certainly become more and more common. ▪
 

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