http://asaa.asn.au/muslims-versus-muslims-in-the-2019-indonesian-presidential-election/


Muslims versus Muslims in the 2019 Indonesian Presidential ElectionBY MUHAMMAD
ZULFIKAR RAKHMAT
<http://asaa.asn.au/author/muhammad-zulfikar-rakhmat/> AND MUHAMAD
RANDI RITVALDI <http://asaa.asn.au/author/muhamad-randi-ritvaldi/>
[image: image description]

Indonesia is set to hold its presidential election on April 19, 2019. The
occasion is the most important democratic event for the people as they will
choose a candidate to lead the country until 2024.

The excitement of welcoming this democratic exercise can be felt throughout
the country.

The candidates include the incumbent President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the
former lieutenant general of the armed forces, Prabowo Subianto. Jokowi has
picked
<https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-08-09/indonesia-s-jokowi-picks-muslim-cleric-in-bid-for-second-term>Indonesian
cleric Ma’aruf Amin as his vice-presidential candidate. Amin
<http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/08/09/who-is-maruf-amin-jokowis-running-mate.html>
previously
served as the chairman of the Indonesian Islamic Scholars Council (MUI) and
Advisory Leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim
organization. On the other hand, Subianto has chosen
<http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/08/10/prabowo-picks-sandi-as-running-mate.html>
the
current vice-governor of Jakarta and businessman, Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno,
as his running mate.

Since the candidates for president and vice-president were announced,
debates and discussions surrounding the election have begun to appear in
the public sphere. These include subjects such as the background of the
candidates, their policies, and their potential implications on the nation.
One of the most important subjects is the issue of religious and identity
sentiments which was prevalent in the previous 2014 presidential election
and the subsequent regional elections such as Jakarta’s gubernatorial
election in 2017.

Indonesia is a country with Muslims comprising
<https://www.indonesia-investments.com/id/budaya/agama/item69> 87.2% of the
total population. With this large number, there are, of course, many
Islamic organisations in the country. Of all of these, the
<https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/01/30/20222171/survei.nu.muhammadiyah.dan.fpi.tiga.besar.top.of.mind.organisasi.islam.di.indonesia>
largest
<https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/01/30/20222171/survei.nu.muhammadiyah.dan.fpi.tiga.besar.top.of.mind.organisasi.islam.di.indonesia>
 are
<https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/01/30/20222171/survei.nu.muhammadiyah.dan.fpi.tiga.besar.top.of.mind.organisasi.islam.di.indonesia>
Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU) with 69.3% of the Muslim population, Muhammadiyah with 14.5% and
followed by Islamic Defender Front (FPI) with 9%.

These three organisations have different sources of support in the country.
NU’s base is concentrated <http://www.nu.or.id/about/basis+pendukung> on
the rural farmer group, urban workers, and Pesantren (Islamic boarding
schools). Meanwhile, as for Muhammadiyah, its supporters are mainly
<https://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam-nusantara/14/07/23/n95p62-basis-utama-warga-muhammadiyah-kalangan-berpendidikan>
among
educated Indonesians. While NU and Muhammadiyah bases are moderate, FPI’s
cons
<https://beritagar.id/artikel/telatah/dilema-ormas-islam-antara-civil-society-dan-politik-praktis>
ist
<https://beritagar.id/artikel/telatah/dilema-ormas-islam-antara-civil-society-dan-politik-praktis>
s
<https://beritagar.id/artikel/telatah/dilema-ormas-islam-antara-civil-society-dan-politik-praktis>
of
conservative Muslim populations.

With a small support base, in previous years the influence of these Islamic
organisations on electoral politics has tended towards stagnation. However,
in the aftermath of Jakarta’s gubernatorial election in 2017 which
strengthened identity politics in Indonesia, it is believed that the
influence of Islamic organisations on the electoral voices of Muslim
population has increased.

This growth is caused by the tendency of religious sentiments that can
strengthen identity politics, whereby the candidates use
<https://news.detik.com/berita/3479654/mengapa-ahok-kalah-telak-dan-anies-menang-mutlak>
religion
as a “tool” to win and therefore seeking support from Muslim organisations.

The overtones of Chinese vs Pribumi (Native Indonesians) or Muslim vs
anti-Muslim , for example, were apparent among those who criticised
Jokowi’s administration, claiming that Jokowi is pro-Chinese and
anti-Islam, backing his former vice governor in Jakarta, who was brought to
justice after stating that Muslims had been deluded by a Quranic verse
which states that they should not elect non-Muslims leaders during his
campaign.

Meanwhile, those who are on the other side are claimed to be Muslim
extremists or anti-Chinese. For example, Purnama’s opponent in Jakarta
gubernatorial election, Anies Baswedan who is now the governor of Jakarta,
was categorised as a hard-line Muslim.

These identity politics were also prevalent
<https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1093529/moeldoko-politik-identitas-untuk-pilkada-2018-dan-pilpres-2019>
during
the 2018 regional elections which had just finished. In the midst of these
conditions, Indonesia’s General Election Commission did not provide
<https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/12/28/07003221/kpu-diskualifikasi-bisa-bikin-efek-jera-pengguna-isu-sara-tetapi>
sanctions
that can deter the use of identity politics in the elections.
The 2019 Election: Muslims versus Muslims

With these conditions, people believe that the electoral voices of Muslims
affiliated with Islamic organisations will also be influential in the 2019
presidential election. More so, experiences show that religious sentiments
which lead to identity politics can be used to increase the  electoral
votes of Muslim populations.

Nonetheless, unlike the previous elections, the use of religious sentiments
in the upcoming election will likely take place among Muslim themselves.
This is especially because the two current presidential and
vice-presidential candidates have backing from different Islamic
organisations; Jokowi-Ma’ruf has support from moderate Islamic groups
<https://kumparan.com/@kumparannews/cawapres-jokowi-di-cengkeram-partai-islam-27431110790551382>
while
Prabowo-Uno has strong backing from conservative Islamic organisations
<https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/indonesia-45133067>; although later Prabowo,
who had been supported by conservative Muslims, was believed to have not
paid attention to these organisations’ recommendations in choosing his vice
president. His choice of Uno, who comes from a business, instead of
religious, background was a surprise to many. This also makes some Muslim
scholars disillusioned, even though many Islamic organisations still
support Prabowo, claiming
<https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4159116/presiden-pks-sandiaga-uno-santri-era-pos-islamisme>
that
Uno is a Santri (Muslim student).

On the other hand, Jokowi who once said
<https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2017/03/24/19084521/presiden.jokowi.pisahkan.agama.dan.politik>
that
Muslim scholars should not be used for politics, chose Amin, a Muslim
scholar. His choice is believed to be Jokowi’s strategy to reduce the
prevalent claim that he is anti-religion. Amin has even alluded to
<https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1115878/maruf-amin-sindir-kubu-prabowo-yang-tak-mendengar-ijtima-ulama>
criticising
Prabowo’s side for not choosing a Muslim scholar.

This shows that the issue of religion has already been used even when the
2019 presidential election has not begun. This condition reminds the people
of the previous 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, whereby religious
sentiment was used for politics.

Nonetheless, in Jakarta’s election, religious sentiments were seemingly
taking place in the form of “Muslims vs non-Muslims”; whereby the debates
were taking place among the supporters of the current governor, Anies
Baswedan, the majority of whom are Muslims, and the supporters of Basuki
Tjahaja “Ahok” Purnama, a Chinese-descent Christian. In the 2019 election,
things would be different.

Given that Widodo, who in Jakarta’s election was taking side with Ahok (who
was his vice governor when he led Jakarta) has chosen Ma’ruf Amin, an
Islamic scholar, and will compete against Subianto-Uno, who since 2014’s
election represent “the Muslim’s voice” and supported by many Muslim
organisations, it is likely that Muslim voters will be polarised. In that
case, the concern that then arises is, even though both candidates in the
2019 presidential election has some kind of religious affiliation, the
issue of religious sentiment will likely be talking point among the Muslim
populations.

If the use of religious sentiment will strengthen and will lead to the use
of identity politics in the 2019 presidential election, people are worried
that the integration of the nation, especially among Muslim populations,
will be threatened, particularly when the candidate pairs are supported by
Islamic organisations with different backgrounds.

Moreover, there are no sanctions that can be applied by the Indonesia’s
General Election Commission (KPU) related to the use of religious
sentiments. Also, do not forget voters from other religions, how can
candidates win their hearts without representation of their identities in
either camp?

Religious sentiment will never be reduced if there is no action either from
the government or from the two camps themselves because the community will
be very easily led by unbalanced opinions.

It is therefore important for both camps not to use ulama as a tool,
because both parties already have massive Muslim support.

Moreover, all narrations using religious or identity sentiments must be
avoided before and during the campaign for the realisation of clean
elections which can provide fair and best results for the country.

What is also important is that Muslim voters must be smart to use their
right to vote, not to be led by religious issues. Identities should be put
aside in their votes, and they should base their choices on ideas,
achievements, and capabilities. The unity of the nation must be
prioritized. Make the presidential election a healthy contest between the
nation’s best figures.

Featured image by Ikhlasul Amal, 2018
<https://www.flickr.com/photos/ikhlasulamal/42698916820>.

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