Response by Hamilton to Keith paper

http://clivehamilton.com/geoengineering-governance-before-research-please/

Geoengineering: Governance Before Research Please

at 22 SEPTEMBER 2013

In a recent issue of Science, Edward Parson and David Keith put forward a
plan to 'end the deadlock on governance of geoengineering research' (1).
Like geoengineering research itself, the question of governance is in its
infancy (2, 3). It is not apparent that rival camps with well-developed but
conflicting proposals have emerged, but Parson and Keith discern a
'deadlock' and have a plan to end it.Before presenting their plan, they set
up the situation as one riven by 'extreme' positions between which theirs
falls as a middle-of-the road proposal. One 'extreme' is that of some NGOs,
whom they characterize as 'abolitionists' categorically opposed to all
research. They could be thinking only of the ETC Group as no other NGO is
campaigning on geoengineering. In fact, even the ETC Group accepts that
some geoengineering research should be permitted in the right regulatory
environment (4). The ETC Group has played an important role in advocating
for restrictions on geoengineering schemes at the Convention on Biological
Diversity, but has not advocated a ban (5).The other 'extreme' is
represented by 'reckless adventurers' who engage in 'irresponsible'
experimentation and reject all controls. There is perhaps only one
geoengineering researcher who fits this description, Russ George (6, 7).
While George may be guilty of recklessness, his 'rogue' status puts him
well outside the community of geoengineering researchers (8) and cannot be
counted as part of any debate over the governance of geoengineering.The
authors frame their own advocacy as 'sound management of climate risk', the
reasonable alternative to the 'abolitionists' and the 'reckless rogues'. It
purports to recognize that in order to acquire a social licence to operate
those who want to carry out SRM experiments, including David Keith himself
(9), must accept some kind of public oversight. Yet their proposal is best
seen as part of push for minimalist, 'light touch' regulation proposed by
those who defend the view that scientists should be trusted to do their
work (10, 11).The planSo what is Parson and Keith's plan to break the
'deadlock'? It is a plan for regulating geoengineering schemes classed as
solar radiation management rather than carbon dioxide removal, even though
ocean iron fertilization experiments have generated most controversy (6, 7,
12).They begin with the apparently plausible principle that 'large
interventions need more control than small ones' (1) and develop a plan
that links the degree of regulation to the degree of measurable physical
impacts of proposed research projects. In particular, they recommend that,
beyond prevailing requirements for all scientific research in various
jurisdictions, SRM experiments should not be subject to any new forms of
regulation if they would affect radiative forcing by less than
10-6 Wm-2 each year.For these small-scale experiments they support
self-regulation, along with a mechanism for transparency in the form of an
international research registry. On the other hand, they do propose some
unspecified international collaboration to outlaw 'rogue' experiments,
those that risk bringing legitimate researchers into disrepute.For
large-scale experiments that cross a threshold of 10-2 Wm-2 Parson and
Keith support a moratorium until the need for them can be established. They
put forward no proposals for the 'hard governance issues' thrown up by
projects that fall between the low and high thresholds, claiming (without
support) that only the two tails need urgent action.Why it will not
workWhat is wrong with this plan? Parson and Keith propose regulation
according to technical criteria, as if the only risks that matter are
physical impacts on the environment. Yet the history of major new
scientific research programs (such as genetic modification of organisms,
nanotechnology and stem cell research) tells us that the political and
social risks of new technological paradigms are often more important than
any potential physical harms (13).The reasons are diverse but in the case
of geoengineering there are two principal kinds of non-physical risk. The
first is the risk of technological lock-in, which in this case is the
concern that once research activity in geoengineering crosses a threshold
it will gain so much momentum that it will be hard to stop (14). Once a
scientific, commercial and political constituency forms, the dangers of
climate engineering technologies may be downplayed, ignored or suppressed
(15). There are good reasons for believing that this risk is significant
(16).The second risk is related to the first. If a research program
normalizes geoengineering as a solution to climate change then it may
reduce the incentives to abate greenhouse gas emissions (2, 15, 17). This
'moral hazard' argument is perhaps the foremost concern of those who are
sceptical about geoengineering as a response to climate change, who fear
political leaders will take the easy way out if given a chance.

These two concerns testify to the risks of the cumulative impacts of
research projects. Every individual research project may fall below the
regulatory threshold proposed by Parson and Keith yet together a handful of
projects may change the political and social environment for geoengineering
research. As their plan takes no account of these risks it is unlikely to
gain any traction.

An early, comprehensive and transparent governance structure--in which the
concerns of developing nations, for example, could find expression--would
serve to temper any rush into insufficiently proven geoengineering schemes
and act as a counterweight to the pro-geoengineering constituency that is
already taking shape (15, 18, 19).Politics cannot be wished awayIt is a
deeply held view among scientists that research can be isolated from the
sullying effects of 'politics'. It is believed that after the knowledge has
been generated by objective research then politics and ethics can come into
play to govern how it might be used. The position is often put implicitly
in defence of geoengineering research (10).

In addition to being self-serving, the argument that a boundary can be
drawn between doing research and making policy ignores a wealth of evidence
to the contrary. Conceptually, it is impossible to separate decisions about
what is studied and how it is studied from funding levels, funding sources,
institutional priorities, publication aims and complex decisions about what
to report and how to report it, so that facts are 'constructed' in the
sense of being shaped by a variety of specific circumstances (20).In
practice, it has been argued that society can more easily influence the
direction of a new technology in its early phases but that, once it becomes
entrenched, society has less control because its momentum is driven by the
internal dynamics and incentives of the research community, backed by
external parties and institutions that have acquired an interest in it (13).

So before it begins and once it starts, geoengineering research is
saturated with politics. After all, 'Plan B' is now being researched only
because of the dramatic failure of governments to agree on 'Plan A'. The
fact that Plan B is attracting support from political actors who have
explicitly repudiated climate science and campaigned against emission
reductions also speaks to its undeniable political context (15, 21).
Moreover, there is a well-founded concern that any program of research into
geoengineering, irrespective of its environmental impacts, may itself make
deployment more likely (16).

To imagine that some kinds of geoengineering research can be quarantined
from societal concern and demands for regulation, as Parson and Keith do,
requires a belief that pure research can somehow be precipitated out of a
social solution using the power of 'objectivity' as the precipitant. Yet
the history of geoengineering itself shows this to be untrue.

For many years the climate science community accepted that all
geoengineering research had political implications. Prior to the pivotal
2006 intervention by Paul Crutzen (22), which 'opened the floodgates' (15),
there prevailed a near-unanimous taboo against geoengineering research
precisely because of anxieties about the political uses to which it could
be put. Those scientists who shunned geoengineering did not accept that
'more information is always a good thing'. In breaking the taboo Crutzen
was subject to severe criticism from his peers (23).So the risks associated
with geoengineering research are principally social and political. Those
risks cannot be measured in Wm-2. Nor can the appeal to objectivity sweep
away the essential practical and ethical concern that scientists are not
entitled to conduct research into geoengineering in the absence of means to
control its deployment (24). In short, and contrary to those who call for
an unregulated zone (1, 10, 11), governance of geoengineering should
precede research.-

See more at:
http://clivehamilton.com/geoengineering-governance-before-research-please/#sthash.E4sw3on5.dpuf
 On Mar 14, 2013 6:33 PM, "Keith, David" <[email protected]> wrote:

>  Edward A Parson and David W Keith. (2013). End the Deadlock on
> Governance of Geoengineering Research. *Science*, *339*:1278-1279, doi:
> 10.1126/science.1232527<http://sfx.hul.harvard.edu/hvd?__char_set=utf8&id=doi:10.1126/science.1232527&sid=libx%3Ahul.harvard&genre=article>
> ****
>
> ** **
>
> Also recently published:****
>
> David W Keith and Andy Parker. (2013). The fate of an engineered planet. 
> *Scientific
> American*,*308*:34-36. 
> (PDF<http://www.keith.seas.harvard.edu/papers/161.Keith.Parker.EngineeredPlanet.e.pdf>
> )****
>
> ** **
>
> See http://www.keith.seas.harvard.edu/geo.html for all my solar
> geoengineering pubs and http://www.keith.seas.harvard.edu/opeds.html for
> some videos.****
>
> ** **
>
> Cheers,****
>
> David****
>
> ** **
>
> ** **
>
> David Keith****
>
> Gordon McKay Professor of Applied Physics, ****
>
>    School of Engineering and Applied Sciences (SEAS); and,****
>
> Professor of Public Policy,****
>
>    Kennedy School of Government,****
>
> Harvard University****
>
> [email protected]****
>
> www.keith.seas.harvard.edu****
>
> ** **
>
> President, Carbon Engineering****
>
> www.carbonengineering.com****
>
> ** **
>
> ** **
>
> ** **
>
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