All:

I can’t emphasize strongly enough why the piece by Svoboda is critically 
important – as a matter of democratic governance and because we are not 
scientifically, socially, and (particularly) ethically omniscient.

Svoboda states:


  *   There is an ethical obligation to comply with procedural justice, rooted 
in the obligation to
respect other persons.
  *   Deferring to procedural justice offers a useful way to navigate ethical 
and scientific
uncertainty.
  *   Under conditions of ethical and scientific uncertainty, interested 
parties have a special
right to contribute to decision-making that is likely to impact them 
substantially.

Why is there such an ethical obligation of procedural justice based on an 
obligation to respect others?  That goes to ethical theories of the universe, 
life and personhood, about which no doubt there will be extensive disagreement. 
 But as a matter of democratic political theory, it goes to every “person” 
having an equal voice in their government (the “all men [and now women and 
persons of color and of other genders] are created equal.”   This principle is 
of course hotly contested right now, across the world and in the US (just see 
the recent events in Charlottesville).  But significantly, the principle 
derives from Christian religion – see the absolutely terrific book by Jeremy 
Waldron, GOD, LOCKE, AND EQUALITY.  The procedural justice requirement of equal 
respect (for each person’s voice and voting rights to affect policy) is (after 
many centuries and in most but clearly not all countries) how we now operate – 
in a democracy as a matter of political (and thus of ethical) beliefs.  But we 
don’t have centralized government for the world (yet) and thus we have yet to 
develop some form of legitimate institutional governance structure that 
reflects this democratic equality principle (and the U.N.’s current structure 
reflects only incomplete efforts on the road to that goal).

As I have written elsewhere (sorry for the lack of direct links, and for the 
implicit self-promotion), jurisdictional conflicts over how to view such 
ethical obligations – and political and social responses to them – largely 
governs how we view “success” in responding to environmental crises; the 
conflicts also determine which levels of government take the relevant actions, 
and because we don’t have a Tardis can’t try the counter-factual experiments to 
see how things might have been different (and thus better or worse) if we had 
made different jurisdictional choices reflecting different values of different 
groups of “publics.”  See Joshua D. Sarnoff, The Continuing Imperative (But 
Only From A National Perspective) For Federal Environmental Protection, 7 DUKE 
ENVTL. L. & POL’Y FORUM 225 (1997); see also a later reply to Ricky Revesz’s 
thoughtful response in Joshua D. Sarnoff, A Reply To Professor Revesz’s 
Response In “The Race To The Bottom And Federal Environmental Legislation”, 8 
DUKE ENVTL. L. & POL’Y FORUM 295 (1998) (Revesz’s and others arguments, and 
citations to them, are in those articles). I have similarly written about the 
need for “proximate” decision-making by the jurisdiction representing all 
significantly affected persons, and why centralized governmental units thus 
should be required to make top level value choices and policy decisions when 
the interests of voters and non-voters who live in different sub-jurisdictions 
are sufficiently affected.  See Joshua D. Sarnoff, Cooperative Federalism, The 
Delegation of Federal Power, and the Constitution, 39 ARIZ. L. REV. 205 (1997). 
 I also have tried to explain why we need international agreement on values 
before we will make progress regarding policy choices, see A World Law Without 
Agreement On Environmental Values?, 10 COL. J. INT. ENVTL. L. & POL’Y 251 
(1999).

Of greater relevance to the Svoboda piece, the question remains of why ethical 
(or scientific) uncertainty GENERATES calls for equality (as our form of 
procedural justice in a democracy) as well as of and equal treatment (as 
substantive justice whether in a democracy or otherwise).  I have also engaged 
in the legal/philosophical debate over whether “prescriptive equality” – calls 
for equal treatment, rather than for “fair” or “correct” treatment -- has any 
normative force or relevance.  My argument is available in Joshua D. Sarnoff, 
Equality as Uncertainty, 84 IOWA L. REV. 377 (1999).  That argument in brief is 
that we have in Western culture (likely originating from monotheism) a deeply 
rooted “anti-arbitrariness” norm that compels us to treat people and issues 
equally when we are insufficiently convinced of the correctness of our 
judgmental criteria that might differentiate among them (and which judgmental 
criteria would then compel on their own either equal treatment or unequal 
treatment, as a matter of substantive morality).  Chris Peters’ offered a very 
thoughtful response, and I offered a further reply in Joshua D. Sarnoff, I Come 
To Praise Morality, Not To Bury It, 84 IOWA L. REV. 819 (1999), hoping to 
demonstrate that all of his proferred counter-examples assumed a confidence in 
judgment that I was questioning.  I have not applied that theory to scientific 
uncertainty, but I suspect the anti-arbitrariness norm operates very strongly 
in that domain as well.

Thus, the most helpful things that I think we can do in the short term are: (1) 
to try to build consensus around our normative criteria for ethical and 
scientific judgments in regard to climate change and geoengineering (and other) 
responses; and (2) to try to get our political structure to look more like “one 
person one vote,” by building some new type of international governance 
structure (as soon as possible) that can (in our divided world of unequally 
distributed power relations) come closer to approximating our political 
democratic beliefs that each person’s voice should have equal power to be heard 
and to influence (centrally determined) policies (which can include delegation 
of norm-setting, policy choices, and implementation to subsidiary governance 
bodies – including existing nation states).  But getting there will be a very 
difficult process.

Best,

Josh Sarnoff

Joshua D. Sarnoff
Professor of Law
DePaul University College of Law
Center for Intellectual Property Law and Information Technology
2014-2015 Thomas A. Edison Distinguished Scholar, U.S. Patent and Trademark 
Office
25 E. Jackson
Chicago, IL 60604
+1 312.362.6326 phone
+1 312.362.5448 fax
[email protected]<mailto:[email protected]>
http://ssrn.com/author=29684





From: <[email protected]> on behalf of "[email protected]" 
<[email protected]>
Reply-To: "[email protected]" <[email protected]>
Date: Friday, August 25, 2017 at 10:03 AM
To: geoengineering <[email protected]>
Subject: [geo] Re: Why Procedural Justice Matters for Climate Engineering

This piece, by Toby Svoboda, was originally published by the Forum for Climate 
Engineering Assessment: 
http://ceassessment.org/procedural-justice/<http://ceassessment.org/procedural-justice/>

On Thursday, August 24, 2017 at 1:54:15 PM UTC-4, Andrew Lockley wrote:
Poster's note : deja vu, but seemingly not posted before

https://www.environmentguru.com/pages/elements/element.aspx?id=5368065

Why Procedural Justice Matters for Climate Engineering HOMENEWSAIR 
QUALITYCLIMATE CHANGE Select Language​▼ Broadly speaking, we may distinguish 
two types of justice: substantive and procedural. Both are relevant for climate 
policy. Substantive justice concerns how states of affairs ought to be ordered, 
including how the burdens and benefits of some policy should be distributed 
among various parties. Procedural justice concerns how decisions ought to be 
made, including whose voices should be heard in decision-making. This type of 
justice presumably requires that parties with a substantial stake have an 
opportunity to contribute to relevant decisions. It is fairly obvious that 
substantive justice matters for climate engineering policies. This is true of 
both solar radiation management and greenhouse gas removal varieties, because 
either could affect the distribution of burdens and benefits among persons. 
Because of this, we could evaluate whether some such policy is likely to secure 
the distribution required by substantive justice (whatever that might be). The 
result of this evaluation might give us ethical reasons to oppose or support 
the policy in question. It is perhaps less obvious that procedural justice 
matters for climate engineering. Why should we care about how decisions are 
made, provided that the outcomes of such decisions are line with substantive 
justice? In my recent book, The Ethics of Climate Engineering: Solar Radiation 
Management and Non-Ideal Justice (Routledge), I offer the following three 
reasons why procedural justice is important for decision-making about climate 
engineering. There is an ethical obligation to comply with procedural justice, 
rooted in the obligation to respect other persons. Deferring to procedural 
justice offers a useful way to navigate ethical and scientific uncertainty. 
Under conditions of ethical and scientific uncertainty, interested parties have 
a special right to contribute to decision-making that is likely to impact them 
substantially. First, and most conventionally, I argue that it is ethically 
impermissible to ignore the demands of procedural justice. To do so would 
exhibit disrespect for those persons who are inappropriately excluded from 
decision-making. Importantly, this would be impermissible even if the resulting 
policy benefited parties who were unjustly excluded. We might think of that as 
a kind of paternalism. The second reason is pragmatic. There is a great deal of 
scientific uncertainty surrounding the likely impacts of potential climate 
engineering policies. Continued research might reduce this uncertainty but is 
unlikely to eliminate it. Likewise, there is a great deal of ethical 
uncertainty regarding what climate policies we ought to adopt. Climate change 
raises a host of controversial ethical issues, including the question of what 
substantive justice requires. It is therefore not clear that common-sense moral 
thinking is up to the task of determining what climate policies are 
appropriate. Deferring to procedurally just decision-making processes can be 
useful for navigating such scientific and ethical uncertainty. As I argue in 
the book, “This is because, plausibly, a procedurally just framework will allow 
for decision-making that is iterative, responsive to changing conditions, and 
open to various points of view. This last feature, in particular, may provide a 
helpful check on controversial proposals” (page 76). The third reason to favor 
procedural justice resembles elements of the previous two, but it is 
nonetheless distinct from both. The claim is that, in cases of substantial 
uncertainty, interested parties have a right to contribute to decisions likely 
to impact them in substantial ways. This is different from the first reason, 
because the right in question only arises due to substantial uncertainty, 
whereas the obligation to respect persons is always in play. I use the analogy 
of a patient whose doctor offers two courses of treatment, both of them risky 
and uncertain to work. Just as the patient should be permitted to decide how to 
proceed, so should interested parties be permitted to contribute to decisions 
on whether to deploy climate engineering. I have said nothing here about what 
procedural justice specifically requires. Rather, I have sought to give reasons 
for why we should care about it in the first place. For those interested, the 
book itself provides a more detailed account of these reasons.     Toby Svoboda 
is an assistant professor in the department of philosophy at Fairfield 
University. His research focuses on environmental ethics, Kant, and climate 
change. He is the author of The Ethics of Climate Engineering: Solar Radiation 
Management and Non-Ideal Justice (Routledge).     The Forum for Climate 
Engineering Assessment does not necessarily endorse the ideas contained in this 
or any other guest post. Our aim is to provide a space for the expression of a 
range of perspectives on climate engineering. Forum for Climate Engineering 
Assessment Climate Change Greenhouse Gas Published:8/23/2017

Source: https://www.environmentguru.com/pages/elements/element.aspx?id=5368065
© EnvironmentGuru.com
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