http://ceassessment.org/should-geoengineering-be-considered-a-global-public-good/?fbclid=IwAR1xI0Omtn2VH6DOxWmfw6tPmVaDwazZ_ouhh9BNCo7oKrnuJoOqCupI8pY


Monday, Oct. 28, 2019
Prakash Kashwan (University of Connecticut)
“Geoengineering to be regulated as a public good” – this is the first among
the five key “Oxford Principles” for the governance of geoengineering.
However, ‘public goods’ means very different things to different audiences.
Climate scientists, social scientists, economists, the general public,
policymakers: all may carry quite different understandings of what it means
to look at something as a public good.

In new research published in the journal Global Transitions, Robert Holahan
and I argue that the technical definition of public goods, derived from
economics, detracts from the central question of stratospheric aerosol
injection (SAI), that is, to account for and address the divergent and
disproportional effects of SRM on some groups and some regions.

To clarify the technical definition, the ‘good’ in public good refers to an
‘economic good’ or a thing (as in goods and services), that has two main
characteristics: non-excludability and non-rivalry. Non-excludability
refers to the fact that once a public good is provided, it is difficult to
exclude individuals from enjoying its benefits even though they may not
have contributed to its provisioning. Non-rivalry refers to the fact that
the consumption of a public good does not negatively impact other
individuals’ ability to also benefit from a public good. For example,
national defense is a public good, which once provided, is both
non-excludable and non-rivalrous for all residents living within a country.
Though, public goods need not be ‘good’, as in something associated with
positive or desirable features. Going by the technical definition discussed
above, air pollution is also a public good – once provided it is
non-excludable and non-rivalrous. To avoid the confusion between the
technical and the normative connotation attached to ‘good’, many scholars
use the word ‘public bad’ to refer to public goods that produce bad
outcomes. However, technically speaking all public bads are essentially
‘public goods.’

The literature on public goods recognizes the confusion caused by the
vocabulary of public goods. We make two new arguments, one related to the
theory of public goods and a second one related to the importance of the
use of the vocabulary of public goods within policy debates.

First, we argue about the importance of accounting for heterogeneous
externalities, that is, multiple and divergent effects of a public good.
The canonical example used in Economics textbooks is that of a lighthouse,
which benefits all ships heading to a destination. However, even a
lighthouse may also produce negative consequences, e.g., the glare produced
by a lighthouse may interrupt sleep for local residents, or their
night-time enjoyment of a popular beach. We argue that the theories of
public goods do not account for these multiple and divergent effects. The
concerns about divergent effects is a non-issue as long as the effects are
relatively harmless, as in the case of the glare from a lighthouse
disrupting the nighttime view, at least if a small number of people are
affected. However, when the ‘side effects’ of a public good are
heterogeneous and uncertain, with the potential of affecting hundreds of
millions of people, as in the case of SAI, the technical definition of
public good does not tell us anything about its net effects. This does not
refute the technical status of SAI as a ‘public good’ but has significant
implications for policy and governance debates.

Second, we focus on policy debates. When confronted with the kinds of
issues set out above, the advocates of SAI argue that it is possible to
minimize potential side effects by executing just the right amount of SAI
at the most optimal set of locations in the stratosphere. That response
evokes imagery of scientists in lab coats having their hands on the global
thermostat, a role that most scientists reject outright. Leaving this
aside, for now, even if one were to assume that the global community can
find an enlightened group of scientists, who are motivated by egalitarian
concerns, the enlightened scientists would need to surmount enormous
scientific uncertainties related to the unknown and potentially unknowable
effects of SAI on atmospheric dynamics. With present levels of
understanding, the very best scientists could hope for is to produce
climatic outcomes of certain specifications at a certain scale of
aggregation with any reasonable degree of certainty. For example, they
could perhaps make assurances that the average change in monsoons over the
south and southeast Asia are likely to be only moderate. That still leaves
out the possibility of significant variations within the region, even
within the boundaries of a large country, such as China or India. Referring
to SAI as a public good, though technically true, distracts us from the
task of thinking about the implications of the potentially large
sub-regional and subnational effects. Accounting for these heterogeneous
effects has significant implications for governance of SAI research, which
should then focus on regional modeling, economic and social effects, and
the deeply political questions about how geoengineering science is
translated into policy interventions.

At both international and national levels, the powerful and the wealthy
often influence the policy process. It is especially salient when national
governments, which are notorious for not being accountable to a majority of
their citizens, are asked to represent the interest of populations that are
divided along the dimensions of caste, class, gender, ethnicity, and
subnational regions. Whether the groups affected adversely are heard in
policy conversations or compensated in the event of adverse impacts depends
on how responsive and effective the national government is to the interests
of the non-powerful.

Social science research shows that political and economic power does not
always manifest in the form of outright coercion or suppression against the
powerless. Indeed, the exercise of power in this era is intertwined with
the institutions of democracy and the discourses of deliberation and
participation. The vocabulary of ‘public goods’ lends itself to similar
discourses in the context of geoengineering debates, in which policymakers
and members of the public confound its technical meaning with its normative
implications. As such, this vocabulary, and the larger set of discourses
being marshaled by the proponents of geoengineering, reinforces the power
of the dominant actors, agencies, and institutions.

The question of accountability of powerful actors and institutions is as
important as those of the science of regional modeling and socio-economic
impacts. Thinking through these questions is indispensable to any
discussion of the governance of SAI or other forms of geoengineering.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Prakash Kashwan

Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of
Connecticut

Contact: [email protected]

Prakash Kashwan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political
Science at the University of Connecticut. His research and scholarship
focuses on political economy of institutions, environmental policy and
politics, global climate governance, and climate justice. Professor Kashwan
is the author of Democracy in the Woods: Environmental Conservation and
Social Justice in India, Tanzania, and Mexico (Oxford University Press,
2017) and articles in World Development, Ecological Economics, Regional
Environmental Change, Land Use Policy, Journal of Environmental Management,
International Journal of the Commons, Journal of Theoretical Politics, and
Global Environmental Politics. He has also contributed popular commentaries
to the Washington Post and the Guardian, among others. Professor Kashwan
teaches courses on the politics of the environment, environmental policy
and institutions, and research methods.

Prakash is a member of the FCEA’s Academic Working Group on Climate
Engineering Governance and co-authored the report, Governing Solar
Radiation Management.

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