So, where are Stalin and Mao when we need them to accomplish these lofty
goals put forward by the Euro Greens?
Very interesting perspective on this, although I think the real answers (is
there any chance of keeping temperatures below 1.5 or 2 degrees) depend on
science. Well, I guess, politics and sociology too....
Or does this Green Party agenda lend more fuel to the violent white
supremacists?


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On Fri, Dec 18, 2020 at 8:01 AM Andrew Lockley <[email protected]>
wrote:

>
>
> https://legal-planet.org/2020/12/17/we-cannot-keep-global-warming-within-1-5c-without-geoengineering/
>
> We Cannot Keep Global Warming within 1.5°C without Geoengineering
> A new report from German green left groups heroically try do so, but fail
> I emphasize the importance of carbon dioxide removal (CDR) technologies
> and solar geoengineering research because keeping global warming within the
> internationally agreed-upon 2°C goal through reducing greenhouse gas
> emissions alone is extremely difficult, and limiting it to the 1.5°C
> aspirational target is now essentially impossible. All options to reduce
> climate change that are consistent with widely held norms should be on the
> table. Notably, strident opponents of CDR technologies and solar
> geoengineering (sometimes collectively called “geoengineering”) rarely
> offer any details as to how dangerous climate change could be otherwise
> prevented, besides handwaving toward “agro-ecological peasant farming
> systems.”
>
> Societal Transformation Scenario report cover
> Last week, the Heinrich-Böll Foundation, an arm of the German Green Party
> and one of the leading opponents of geoengineering, along with Konzeptwerk
> Neue Ökonomie published a report A Societal Transformation Scenario for
> Staying Below 1.5°C. Accomplishing this without CDR technologies and solar
> geoengineering requires rejection of what is popular and beneficial,
> patently unreal assumptions, radical social and economic reorganization,
> and implicit authoritarianism. Such a strong claim on my part warrants
> substantiation. So let’s dive deep…
>
> To begin, the report authors reject economic growth. Although unabated
> growth is open to reasonable critique on sustainability grounds, greater
> economic activity is empirically correlated with many desirable outcomes:
> longer life expectancy, lower child mortality, more years of schooling,
> better human rights, greater gender parity, happiness, and even fewer hours
> worked. Given this, it should not be surprising that almost everyone wants
> economic growth. That’s why all politicians promise it and those who are in
> office during growth are more often reelected. And developing countries
> arguably have a moral claim on economic growth similar to what
> industrialized countries have enjoyed.
>
> Instead, the Societal Transformation Scenario (STS) assumes that
> industrialized countries will degrow their economies, while those of
> developing countries largely stagnate, all in a planned manner. This is not
> measured by “crude” gross domestic product (GDP) but by consumption
> parameters, presented in the table below. (“Annex I” roughly means
> industrialized countries, from the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate
> Change.)
>
> Consumption parameters and how they change in the STS up to 2050
> To summarize: Industrialized countries will economically contract while
> developing ones will grow in some ways but remain constant in others. In
> fact, in this scenario, some of the industrialized countries’ parameters
> contract to less than the developing ones’ current levels. For example,
> despite what the table says about reducing food waste, the report expects
> that residents of industrialized countries will reduce their daily caloric
> intake by 24%, which would be to a level lower than developing countries’
> current average. In developing countries, urban passenger transport by cars
> will decrease; car occupancy, appliances per person, caloric intake, and
> meat consumption must remain constant; and all other parameters are capped
> at levels well below the current average among industrialized countries.
> (For what it is worth, all of the report’s authors are European.)
>
> Yet despite rejecting growth, the STS assumes that there will somehow be
> plenty of money. In fact, it explicitly provides “No cost estimates” of the
> proposed societal transition. The report calls for “ambitious increases in
> efficiency and renewable energies… basic incomes [and] a reduction of
> working hours (e.g., to 20 to 30 hours/week)” and insists that “education,
> health care and culture… should be strengthened and flourish.” However,
> technological improvements, incomes, and social services must somehow be
> paid for.
>
> Second, the report makes unreasonable assumptions for its model. For one
> thing, while the UN forecasts that the global population will be about 9.6
> billion in 2050, the STS says 8.5 billion, which is even way below the UN’s
> range of probable values. And the report’s tiny increase in industrialized
> countries’ population allows for very little of the ongoing migration from
> developing countries to continue.
>
> For another thing, the STS model uses a discount rate of zero. This value
> indicates how much we reduce a future benefit or cost at the present
> moment. For example, most people would prefer a $1000 gift now rather than
> in a few years because, at the very least, it could be invested in the
> meantime. Because discounting compounds like bank interest, it is usually
> the most important value when making long-term forecasts. While
> intergenerational and high discounting do raise legitimate ethical
> questions, the implications a discount rate of zero indicate that it is
> nonsensical: If we did not discount the future, then we would each consume
> only enough to stay alive and invest the entire remaining wealth for the
> future.
>
> Third, the report demands not only that climate change be limited without
> geoengineering but also that society be revolutionized. This is most
> evident its vision of social and economic relations. It requires
>
> comprehensive socio-ecological transformation that involves radical
> redistribution of wealth [including a maximum wage] and labour [and power]
> and a change of welfare systems, economic principles and lifestyles…
> economies that are more extensively built on cooperative action, sharing,
> swapping and donating products and helping people to help themselves…
> STS is not primarily about producing and consuming less; it is about
> organising society differently… based upon the conviction that the current
> underlying values and paradigms of political and economic decision-making
> need to be re-thought…
> Many basic goods are no longer traded on markets; their production and
> distribution are arranged through democratic processes…
> The economy of the future will be run by cooperatives, community-supported
> businesses, from small local and regional firms and other forms of
> collectively administered common properties (such as houses and companies).
> I suspect that this extremely egalitarian and communal vision is not
> (merely) a means to limit climate change but the authors’ desired end
> itself.
>
> The report’s underlying ideology can also been seen in its rejection of
> other technologies. They phase out power because it is a “high risk…
> technological solution… that lead[s] to disproportionate environmental
> degradation and destruction.” Digitalization such as “transport system
> centred around electric and driverless cars, fully occupied and running
> efficient, safe and without congestion” is also dismissed. And the scenario
> “assumes a shift away from industrial agriculture with its negative
> consequences… toward sustainable and organic farming practices,” although
> it somehow keeps agricultural productivity consistent.
>
> Fourth, and most disturbing to me, the report is vague as to how its
> proposed revolution in what billions of people want and do would come
> about. It is easy, of course, to call for “cooperation, care, solidarity
> and sustainability to achieve a good life for all.” The use of the passive
> voice–e.g., “Consumption and production in the Global North must be
> reduced… society can always be reshaped”–neglects how these steps would be
> accomplished. At one point, the authors dodge this central issue: “The STS
> prescribes [no] concrete toolkit of environmental and social policy
> instruments for doing so.”
>
> At the same time, for each parameter, the report offers some policies and
> measures. However, I am doubtful skeptical that the modest ones (e.g.
> “reduced share of meat-based dishes in public institutions”) would achieve
> the dramatic changes that they assume, while the more assertive ones (e.g.
> prohibitions on short-haul and night flights and high fines “for
> misappropriated living space”) would be politically unpopular.
>
> It is likewise to insist, as the authors repeatedly do, that “that
> different sectors of production and consumption will be reduced as [and the
> other changes will be] the result of democratic deliberation [that] is
> developed bottom-up.” Yet they simultaneously say, “there is no alternative
> [to these changes] since the politics of growth are an obstacle not only to
> reducing consumption and production but to change itself.” The obvious
> question is: what if the report’s “inclusive democratic processes” rejects
> these structural transformation and instead endorses economic growth? After
> all, that’s what existing democracies, albeit flawed, have generally done.
>
> Unsurprising to anyone familiar with the real-world implementation of such
> unconstrained utopian visions, authoritarianism would, in all likelihood,
> be necessary to “limit[] global production and consumption” and for
> requisite “changes in governance, culture and individual behaviour [and]
> reshaping society to the benefit of all.”
>
> Sometimes the requisite authoritarianism is evident. For example, the
> report cites a study that “non-coercive measures could reduce national
> traffic levels by about 11% in the UK” but also demands that, in
> industrialized countries, road-based passenger transport fall by 37%. Would
> the remaining 26% require coercive measures?
>
> As another example, consider the report’s reduction of the residential
> floor space per person:
>
> We assume a doubling of people per house [in industrialized countries and]
> we increase household size by 20% [for developing ones]…
> while many elderly have become attached to their homes, there is no reason
> why they could not be shared with others…
> We imagine the increase in people per household as a voluntary cultural
> shift… we understand that this change will not be for everyone… «push»
> policies are needed for social classes that feel entitled to large living
> spaces just because they can afford them and capital investors that build
> large, expensive apartments.
> Some concrete measures are: … * high fees for misappropriated living space
> * socialisation of living spaces through expropriation when market signals
> fail to lead to affordable and sustainable apartment sizes
> (Unmentioned is the fact that, because population in industrialized
> countries will be stable, this in packing most buildings with more people
> while leaving almost half of them vacant).
>
> I believe that this sort of watermelon politics (“green” on the outside,
> “red” on the inside) is one of the central reasons that some on the far
> left oppose CDR and solar geoengineering. After all, preventing climate
> change through aggressive emissions cuts would shackle the industrialized
> economies, while international funds for adaption would transfer wealth
> from rich to poor countries. Yet CDR and solar geoengineering could reduce
> climate change without this redistribution.
>
> I predict that the Heinrich-Böll Foundation and its allies will soon point
> to this report as proof that ambitious climate change goals can be met with
> neither CDR technologies nor solar geoengineering. Such claims would, in
> all likelihood, be wrong.
>
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