https://www.solargeoeng.org/the-global-south-must-rally-to-delegitimize-solar-geoengineering-technologies/


*The Global South Must Rally to Delegitimize Solar Geoengineering
Technologies*
DHANASREE JAYARAM

The gradual legitimization of solar geoengineering technologies in the
discourses on global climate governance is a dangerous trend. As the
climate crisis worsens, and the world witnesses increasingly deadly
disasters, a section of the scientific and policy communities is pushing
for greater space for discussions on these technologies as a solution.
While arguing in favour of these technologies, some of them also
acknowledge the potential dangers involved in them, thereby calling for
robust governance
<https://geoengineering.environment.harvard.edu/files/sgrp/files/harvard_project_sg_governance_briefs_volume_feb_2019.pdf>
mechanisms
to manage research, development, and deployment.

However, this is a slippery slope in global climate governance, which could
most likely jeopardize much of what has been achieved already (even if it
is sub-optimal) and what could possibly be gained in the future through
investments in safe technological, socio-technical, and economic
solutions. *More
importantly, solar geoengineering technologies subvert the widely advocated
principles of climate justice.*


*There are many reasons why the advocacy for an **International Non-Use
Agreement on Solar Geoengineering*
<https://wires.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/wcc.754>* should be at
the heart of the Global South’s call for climate justice*. If one looks
closely at the actors involved in solar geoengineering research, they are
mostly based in the Global North. For instance, a 2021 National Academy of
Sciences report proposes a strategy for the United States (US) to develop a
“transdisciplinary research programme” and delineates the requisite
governance principles, such as transparency, public participation,
inclusion, fairness
<https://nap.nationalacademies.org/read/25762/chapter/5#138>, etc. History
has shown that the industrialized countries have largely influenced the
norms, principles, and values of global governance around many issues.


*Inclusive solar geoengineering?*

The logic of inclusion is often guided by possession of the specific
technology. This is exemplified in the case of a range of technologies,
including nuclear and digital, among others. Hence, the Global South
clearly needs to be wary about any discussions that offer a misleading
promise of an inclusive agenda on solar geoengineering. On the contrary,
potentially dividing the world into ‘haves and have-nots’, it will most
likely increase the existing inequalities within the international system.
This is why “the commitment to not grant patent rights for technologies for
solar geoengineering”, as stated in the open letter calling for the
International Non-Use Agreement, is crucial.

One might argue that instead of delegitimizing the technology, the
developing countries should create their own norms and principles to
prevent the industrialized countries from adopting unilateral measures. In
fact, one might also contend that the deployment of these technologies is
inevitable, considering the deteriorating effects of climate change; and
therefore, it makes better sense for the countries of the Global South to
rally together to frame their own governance principles and push for their
inclusion in any future governance framework. Some wealthier countries such
as China and

India could simply invest in these technologies to have a greater say in
their international governance.

This is simply a misplaced strategy of legitimizing solar geoengineering
technologies further, giving space for the industrialized countries to
continue their research and development with impunity. Even if some major
economies find a place at the global high table, the most vulnerable
countries would still most likely be left out of the decision-making
processes. What lessons have been or could be learnt from global climate
governance?

*Is solar geoengineering compatible with Climate Justice movements?*

The Global South has consistently been demanding equity and climate
justice. However, so far, the rich countries have neither reduced their
emissions drastically, nor provided adequate finances and technologies to
developing/least developed countries. In fact, the journey thus far has
been a story of “broken promises
<https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/ipcc-climate-change-report-cites-litany-of-broken-promises/>”
and “empty pledges”. Not only has this increased the vulnerabilities of the

Global South, but also shrunk their development space. The industrialized
countries’ reluctance to establish a financing facility for the loss and
damage mechanism and ‘ratchet up’ finance in general in the 2022 Bonn
negotiations <https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-61819852> further
reinforce the deep distrust that exists in the global climate governance
space.

Could one expect this system to deliver when it comes to creating a more
inclusive, fair, just, and equitable agenda on solar geoengineering?
Furthermore, will the industrialized countries be willing to pay the
compensation for potential unintended catastrophic consequences caused by
solar geoengineering that could once again affect the developing countries
more than the rest?

To now resort to solar geoengineering to prevent climate change, even while
prioritizing climate mitigation, could be seen merely as a ploy to continue
to emit (with minimum emissions reduction) as well as universalize
responsibility. This means that the urgency to mitigate and adapt would
fall upon all the countries of the world, as differentiation is diluted
further – a visible trend since the 2009 Copenhagen Summit – even as the
developed countries could use solar geoengineering in the name of fixing
the problem (that they created in the first place). The industrialized
countries (and wealthier major economies) must drastically limit their
emissions, instead of offering solar geoengineering as a (false) solution.

Would the industrialized countries (or even countries such as China) be
ready to share these technologies with the rest of the world? While
intellectual property rights would continue to thwart such attempts in any
case, even if they do agree to share the technology, based on precedents,
it would most likely be based on geopolitical and geoeconomic equations.


More importantly, there is a danger that powerful but non-democratic,
populist, nationalist and neoconservative governments would be enabled to
control solar geoengineering in small coalitions, with huge risks but
little control for all other countries. The Global South countries,
especially post-colonial states, have been pushing for non-interventionist
policies for long; if the use of this technology aggravates their
vulnerability, instead of addressing equity, it would unquestionably add to
the existing woes of these countries. The precautionary principle in this
context necessitates that this ‘interventionist’ technology be not deployed
as the potential costs and consequences involved far outweigh the
plausible, indeterminate benefits. *In simple terms, high-risk measures
that perpetuate climate colonialism and dominance of the Global North in
global climate governance must be delegitimized.*


Many international organizations, governments, corporations, and
conservationist organizations have been successful in mobilizing support
for a moratorium on deep sea mining. Even the French President Emmanuel
Macron
<https://www.reuters.com/business/environment/frances-macron-says-deep-sea-mining-must-not-go-ahead-2022-06-30/>
surprised
many by expressing this position at the 2022 United Nations Ocean
Conference in Lisbon. If there can be a political consensus on banning deep
sea mining, why not solar geoengineering?


*Dr. Dhanasree Jayaram is an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation’s
International Climate Protection Fellow at Freie Universität Berlin and
Centre Marc Bloch.*

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