South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch  #2. |   30 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr
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[29 april 2002]

Le Pen bares a dirty secret

By M. B. Naqvi

Monsieur Jean-Marie le Pen, by winning over 17 per cent of national vote
on April 21 in the first round and getting into the run-off with
President M. Jacque Chirac on May 5 has shocked many. Most Europeans,
especially on the Left, are dismayed by French Presidency being fought
between a conservative and an ultra-conservative. No doubt, le Pen is
certain to lose and Chirac will return to Elysee Palace comfortably. But
the obvious lurch to the Right in an important European country,
represented by the elimination of the entire French Left and the Centre,
has distressed decent Europeans.

The personality of le Pen, the leader of a French fascist party, is also
a factor. He has built his reputation on an xenophobic (anti-immigrants
and anti-Jewish) and racist ultra-nationalism. European Jews are
alarmed. Immigrants from Northern Africa and Middle East, Arabs, Asians
and black Africans and Jews, mostly in this order, are already feeling
the heat of racist sentiment in many European countries. Le Pen, the
neo-Nazi, is bracketed with Adolph Hitler and Benito Mussolini.

That rakes up old memories of battles fought for Europe's soul between
the then ultra-Right (Nazis and Fascists) and the whole spectrum from
centre to ultra Left in the Intrerwar War period (1919-39). The Right
won. The steady rise of ultra Right in France in recent decades --- by
no means finally dominant yet --- is a wake up call to many on the Left,
especially to all who follow Second, Third and Fourth International.

Earlier the people had been lulled into believing that the defeat of
Second Worldwar's Axis Powers also destroyed the roots of Nazism and
Fascism, with the final discrediting of their ideas. New leaderships in
the defeated nations seemed having been purged of Racism,
ultra-Nationalism and Militarism; indeed their subsequent liberal or
socialistic stances were convincing. The world thought that Fascist
ideologies lie burried in the rubble of Second Great War. Events show
that the conclusion was premature.

Fascist movements in Europe arose from mass unemployment and poverty of
the Interwar period. They were seen as an alternative to the radical
iconoclasm of Russian Revolution, being Capitalism's own populist reply
to Communism. Communism had totally rejected capitalism while Fascist
movements relied on promoting strong, time-tested prejudices of local
societies: race, language, culture, religion, traditions of martial
achievements and pursuing national animosities, without touching
capitalism. Chauvinistic about the chosen race or nation, they were
xenophobic against the 'outgroup': Semetics, coloured people, Russians
or the effete white imperialists which were one up on them, as Britain
was vis-�-vis Germany.

  But these movements, despite strong invectives against capitalists,
were basically conservative by not restricting the scope of private
capital. And they were able to win over the masses through massive
propaganda and militaristic organisations. Big Business rewarded them
with ample funds for 'dragooning' or 'rape' of the masses by shrill
propaganda of a bogus and reworked past greatness. Fascism sought the
solution of the unemployment through militarisation and massive
rearmament. That helped Big Business massively.

Generic Fascism is the revenge of old myths, quasi-history and atavistic
tribal prejudices and tendencies against liberal ideas of human rights,
equality and fraternity of man that cuts across all old belief
structures and institutions; it rejects all that has been achieved by
Renaissance, Reformation and Enlightenment movements: rationalism and
scientific outlook. As a social theory, Fascism firmly subordinates
human individual to a non-material collectivity. It yokes a decaying
social order and decrepit economy, to a moribund capitalism; both in
Italy (1920s) and Germany (1930s), the dictators enjoyed untrammeled
power for a while before the inevitable crash, to which this
fundamentally anti-rational and anti-liberal force irresistibly leads.

Western Fascism thrives on emigration from third world as a consequence
of communications� revolution. That has revived the emaciated fringe of
xenophobic European nationalisms. Tirades against coloured immigrants
have promoted political careers in England, France, many European
countries, not excluding Italy, Germany and Austria. That immigrants
were vital to war-shattered economies� rebuilding is obscured by the
colour of their skins: white hosts find the coloureds hard to accept,
with rights equal to their own.

The fact is racist feelings are actually widespread in Europe. It is an
illusion that 1939-45 anti-Fascist war's havoc made simple nationalism
and racial sentiment unpopular. The support base for nationalistic
politics did not entirely disappear. Mr. Pen has reminded that the
earlier impression were misleading. He has a point, even if the
ultra-Right remains a minority. Since the supply of economic refugees
and asylum seekers may remain steady, and the World Bank's poverty
alleviation programmes not going beyond cosmetic, the likely basis for
European Fascisms to flourish exists.

At any rate, le Pen is by no means alone. Revived neo-Nazis are still
fringes in Britain, Germany, Italy, Austria and of course France. In
France, the le Pen challenge is still containable by what is the Postwar
Consensus in Europe about democracy, capitalism and American leadership.
But winds of change may soon become stronger, with variable direction.
In Italy Mussolini's grand daughter having popularised her grand pa's
ideas caused the Burlesconi phenomenon's rise. The latter is more than
simple rightwing politics, with an umbilical connection to generic
Fascists of yore. Italy's Left appears to be alarmed anyway and is
gearing up for a fight reminiscent of early 1920s. Austria's Haider
party is also a reminder that neo-Nazism may no longer remain a mere
fringes. Ultra-Right fringes even in UK and Germany are not entirely
harmless. So throughout most of Europe, colour of the skin and
nationalistic ideas still matter. Happily many oppose Fascisms. A big
fight thus impends.

Fascism is not confined to Europe. It succeeds in underdeveloped
countries more easily. If basic elements that comprise European Fascism
are present in a poor country, it is Fascism. Who can deny that the
Afghan Taliban were Fascists or, for that matter, the Gujarat pogroms
can only be comprehended if their underlying ideology is understood: It
is the inferior people being subordinated by a superior group, the Hindu
Rashtra in this case. Since all Fascist ideologies are locally evolved,
it takes many forms. But if their essentials are similar with Fascism's
basic tenets, it is just that. It has to be fought. An inescapable case
exists for a broad coalition of democrats and anti-Fascists --- i.e.
humanists and forward-looking progressives --- the world over.

Nearer home in South Asia, the situation is far more dangerous. The area
is being swept with gale-force winds that multiply divisions and strife.
This is not a recent phenomenon, however. English language started the
mischief by familiarising Indians with ideas of liberty, nationalism,
economic progress and exploitation of colonialism. While Muslims were
held back by their clerics from learning the English tongue for a
generation, the Hindus eagerly learnt it. That gave birth to a basically
backward-looking Hindu Revivalism along with a secular Indian Nationalism
that was mainly Hindu in prepossessions. Today's movement for Hindu
Rashtra led by the Sangh Parivar is a misbegotten child of these.

There is also its Muslim counterpart, originally pan-Islamism with the
ideology of Ghalba-e-Islam --- albeit originally through moral
persuasion. The interplay of these two revivalisms generated the
political consciousness of being Hindu or Muslim. That was the age-old
Hindu-Muslim Problem. It later caused the division of British Indian
Empire and the subsequent feuding between India and Pakistan through
emphasis on rival religious identities. The two are now nuclear powers
and are still feuding, with three wars behind them. These religious
identities are sustained by elaborate mythologies, masquerading as
philosophies that define Fascist populism. South Asians had better
ponder over some of these particulars and possibilities.


o o o

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