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DIVISIVE GOVERNANCE

By Eduardo Faleiro


The President's Address to Parliament, as we all know, is really a
Government document.  The President only reads the Address.  This year's
President's Address was more than ever before a long list of all so-called
Government achievements, big and small.  It did however hide the
fundamentals of Government's policy, divisive governance not merely in terms
of religion but though less blatant but equally insidious insofar as the
social and economic status of the people are concerned.  The present
administration divides people not just in terms of religion, but it also
separates the rich from the poor, the haves from the have-nots, the socially
high from the socially low.  Whilst we are dismantling national unity, we
are also opening wide the doors of the country and of its economy, to the
designs of the profit-making multinationals and of the Governments behind
them.  Presently, this is happening in India as it is happening in every
country of Asia, Africa and Latin America.  What is most objectionable is
that we ourselves welcome the efforts at profit making by the
trans-nationals for whom people of developing countries do not really count,
even when their basic human rights to Education and Health are trampled
upon.  Grabbing and profit making by trans-nationals which look at
everything as just another business has not been resisted by the present
Government.  I will illustrate this with reference to a subject which moulds
the thought processes of people and then decides the future of a country,
Education.  The recent "National Curriculum Framework for School Education"
provides for an educational system that has a dual role.  At page 11, it
speaks of a special system of education for those with a high IQ and a high
"Emotional Quotient".  The IQ is a concept formulated in the United States
and debunked all over the world.  The United States wanted to impart what we
would call in India "non-formal" or "alternative" education to the blacks on
the ground that they had an inferior IQ.  Here, we have added an "emotional
quotient" to the "intelligence quotient".  The "emotional quotient", which
has been conceived by this Government means that those students, who have a
higher level of spirituality, may be given a better education.  Who has a
higher level of spirituality?  Those who don't have to work for a living. 
The working class cannot afford to have the so called high spirituality. 
They are busy earning their own livelihood.  That is how the New Curriculum
Framework separates the classes from the masses.

To further elaborate the point, I refer to page 90 of the Curriculum
Framework.  It says that those with a high intelligence quotient and
emotional quotient will get elite education whilst the rest will be given
vocational education.  And who are the people targeted to get vocational
education?  The women, the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, and the
physically- challenged persons.  This is how at the very outset, two classes
of children are being created and this is how the gap between the elite and
the masses is widened.  This is how divisiveness is accentuated within the
social and economic fabric of the country.

The Government depends for its survival on dividing people on religious
lines.  We ought to look at the new textbooks that followed the "National
Curriculum".  Let me refer to the textbook on Social Sciences, "Contemporary
India", brought out by the NCERT for students of class IX.  This is the
book, which had no reference whatsoever to the assassination of Mahatma
Gandhi.

Incidentally, I would like the officials of the HRD Ministry to look at the
different editions of this textbook.  It has two first editions.  One in
August 2002 and the other in September 2002.  How can a book have two first
editions?  The September 2002 edition further mentions that it is the first
reprint in October.  All this is very confusing.  The Ministry must also
look at the size of print orders.  For the edition of September 2002, a
print order of 3,75,000 was given, and for the August 2002 edition 2,25,000
copies were ordered.  That makes a total of 6,00,000 copies.  For whose
benefit have so many copies been printed?  In the previous years, the print
order never went beyond 2.5 lakh copies.  And yet, this year, the main
users, the Delhi Government and many private schools in Delhi have refused
to use this book.  The Department should look into this matter.

I would like to highlight a few of the many sectarian overtones and gross
historical inaccuracies in this book.  It mentions at page 60 that Goa,
Daman and Diu, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, were collectively called Goa during
the colonial rule.  This is absolutely incorrect.  It is like saying that
during the British Rule the whole of India was called Delhi just because the
Government was based in Delhi.  On page 61, it is mentioned that Dadra and
Nagar Haveli was captured by the Jan Sangh.  This is not in tune with the
historical facts.  The then Chief Minister of Bombay State, Shri Morarji
Desai at Volume II of his autobiography, "The Story of my Life", at pages
47-49, discloses how he had directed the Reserve Police to encircle Dadra
and Nagar Haveli, so that the Portuguese troops could not enter that
enclave.  So when the half a dozen Portuguese policemen in Dadra saw the
Reserve Police which looked like a military force, they ran away into the
adjacent forest.  There was no fight.  That is what Mr. Morarji Desai says. 
Why do you want to glorify the Jan Sangh on wrong facts?  I am sure that the
Jan Sangh has done some good somewhere but this is not it.

Our Government welcomes all the trans-nationals which attempt to gobble up
our educational system.  Until 14th January 2002, the policy was that at
school level, no student could have foreign schooling in India unless he was
the child of a diplomat or a foreigner or a student who would later pursue a
course not available in India.  As per a circular of the Department of
Elementary Education dated January 14, 2002, however, any student in India
can now take up, at school level itself a foreign examination.  All the
pronouncements of the Honourable Minister about indianisation,
indigenisation and spiritualization of Education are rather meaningless.  A
student who wants to take up British, French or American school education in
India does not require any permission anymore.  He can safely ignore the
National Curriculum.  Therefore, we shall have in this country, two classes
of people.  Those with a foreign education at the school level itself and
others with the sub-standard education which Government will provide in the
name of informal or "alternative" education.  The more we abuse Pakistan,
the more we follow their ways.  In Pakistan the elite has a Western
education, and the rest has their education in madrasas.  In my own State,
several Government schools were closed recently and handed over to the Vidya
Bharati.  It is a tragic irony that we are doing this at a time when in
Afghanistan and Pakistan, people are trying to move at least to some extent,
however small, from a fundamentalist religious education to a more liberal
educational system.

The Ministry of Human Resource Development and the Ministry of Commerce are
at this moment busy finalising proposals for opening our educational system
to foreign business concerns.  As per the decision taken at the Doha
Ministerial meeting last November all such proposals must be submitted to
the GATS Secretariat before March 31, 2003.  Government should inform this
House what it intends to do next month at the GATS.  It should obtain the
consensus of this House, before doing anything in this regard because
commitments at GATS are irreversible.  They cannot be reversed by future
Governments.  The GATS process is not subject to Indian courts.  It is
subject only to their own courts.  I have found Vice-Chancellors who do not
know what GATS is all about.  This is because of the secrecy surrounding
this whole process.  GATS is the General Agreement on Trade in Services and
is a branch of WTO.  Government should also withdraw the "National
Curriculum Framework for School Education" and the textbooks that followed
which are divisive and will grievously affect the unity of the country for
now and for generations to come.

(The writer is a Member of Parliament.  This is his speech in the Rajya Sabha 
during the debate on President's Address on February 24, 2003)

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