A LIGHT FOR OUR PATH: EXCERPTS FROM THE CLOSING SPEECH OF THE FIRST CONSTITUENT 
ASSEMBLY OF INDIA BY DR. B. R AMBEDKAR, Chairman of the Drafting Committee of 
the Indian Constitution.(PART II) 
“On the26th of January, 1950, India would be a democratic country in the sense 
that India from that day would have a government of the people, by the people 
and for the people. The same thought comes to my mind. What would happen to her 
democratic Constitution? Will she be able to maintain it or will she lose it 
again? This is the second thought that comes to my mind and makes me anxious as 
the first.
It is not that India did not know what is  democracy. There was a time when 
India was studded with republics, and even where there were monarchies, they 
were either elected or limited. It is not that India did not know parliaments 
or parliamentary procedure. A study of the Buddhist Bhikshu sanghas discloses 
that not only there were parliaments--- for the Sanghas were nothing but 
parliaments---but the Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary 
procedure known to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, 
rules regarding motions, resolutions, quorums, whip, counting of votes, voting 
by ballot, censure motion, regularization, Res Judicata etc. Although these 
rules of parliamentary procedure were applied by the Buddha to the meetings of 
the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of political assemblies 
functioning in the country in his time.
This democratic system India lost. Will she lose it a second time? I do not 
know, but it is quite possible in a country like India---where democracy from 
its long disuse must be regarded as something quite new--- there is danger of 
democracy giving place to dictatorship. It is quite possible for the new born 
democracy to retain its form but give place to dictatorship in fact. If there 
is a landslide, the danger of the second possibility becoming actuality is much 
greater.
If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what 
must we do? THE FIRST THING IN MY JUDGEMENT WE MUST DO IS TO HOLD FAST TO 
CONSTITUTIONAL METHODS OF ACHIEVING OUR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC OBJECTIVES. IT 
MEANS WE MUST ABANDON THE BLOODY METHODS OF REVOLUTION. IT MEANS WE MUST 
ABANDON THE METHOD OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE, NON-COOPERATION, AND SATYAGRAHA. WHEN 
THERE WAS NO WAY LEFT FOR CONSTITUTIONAL METHODS FOR ACHIEVING ECONOMIC AND 
SOCIAL OBJECTIVES ,THERE WAS A GREAT DEAL OF JUSTIFICATION FOR UNCONSTITUTIONAL 
METHODS. BUT WHERE CONSTITUTIONAL METHODS ARE OPEN, THERE CAN BE NO 
JUSTIFICATION FOR THESE UNCONSTITUTIONAL METHODS. THESE METHODS ARE NOTHING BUT 
THE GRAMMAR OF ANARCHY AND THE SOONER THEY ARE ABANDONED, THE BETTER FOR US" ( 
emphasis added)
Prescient ?  Is it not?
Gerry.

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