There is an unquestioned acceptance that there are some 'basic
realities' that give birth to extreme violent movements, even from
people who are otherwise opposed to the ideologies and methodologies
of these movements. However, the so called 'basic realities' are very
different, not the ones sought to be projected by the apologists. Here
is a perspective on this by Dr Ajai Sahni. This is some what longish,
but worth reading.

http://satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume5/Fault5-7asahni.htm

Excerpt:

'Revolutionary' violence that persists for decades, as has Left
extremism in India, must be evaluated by criteria other than the
general 'causal' approach that seeks to justify it in terms of
historical wrongs and contemporary inequalities, or the presumption of
its intrinsic beneficence. As one commentator observes, "Since this
movement has had a controversial and turbulent existence on India's
political stage for close to six decades, its leaders must attempt a
socio-political audit of their efforts - from the point of view of
their own objectives and its impact on the people they are fighting
for." [11]

Another perspective on the 'basic realities' that are often ignored,
notes that the causal link between absolute, or even relative,
deprivation and 'revolutionary violence' is, at best, tenuous. Extreme
Left movements have found justification for random and indiscriminate
violence in the most affluent and among the most equitable societies
of Western Europe, as also in modern Japan. Within India, it has been
observed that the districts in central Bihar that were most affected
by Naxalite violence - Patna, Nalanda, Gaya, Jehanabad, Aurangabad,
Nawadah and Bhojpur - were characterised by "farm prosperity and
literacy... higher than in the rest of the State... Thus in some ways the
violence in central Bihar is not the offshoot of stagnation and
poverty, but is instead a reflection of development and growth,
however stunted."

The choice of violence, moreover, is in most cases made, not by the
deprived, impoverished or victim communities, but by better educated
and relatively affluent 'ideologues' and mobilisers, who purport to
speak on their behalf. This is natural, of course. But, given the
extreme complexity of the patterns of violence, of both voluntary and
coercive mobilisation, and the overlap of a range of purely criminal
and 'revolutionary' activities undertaken by various extreme Left
groupings, it is important to understand that the claims of such
'representation' have, in all these movements, never been tested or
seriously questioned

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