.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/
StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=ce96361c-acfa-4717-aed1-aefca4c11b07&&Headline=Sparks+fly+at+Left+Front+meet

 *Tanmay 
Chatterjee<http://../Search/Search.aspx?q=Tanmay%20Chatterjee&nodate=1>,
Hindustan Times*
Kolkata, October 18, 2007

 Sparks fly at Left Front meet
Neither Prasun Mukherjee nor Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee saw it coming. But at
Wednesday's Left Front meeting, the chief minister was virtually forced by
Forward Bloc, RSP and CPI leaders to seal the fate of the city police
commissioner and IPS officers Gyanwant Singh and Ajay Kumar.

The leaders, headed by FB state secretary Ashok Ghosh, told Bhattacharjee
they wanted the officers removed "immediately". Sources said the leaders
were so agitated, their voices could be heard from outside. The CM had no
option, especially when the CPI-M leadership, which had stood by him all
these days, joined the other leaders.

Although social and political pressure had been mounting on Bhattacharjee
for the last 26 days, he had wanted his way as far as transferring the
officers was concerned.

The Front leaders minced no words in making their displeasure at the
government's handling of the case felt. "The chief minister tried to argue
that he needs to consult legal experts before taking a decision. He had no
answer when we asked him how he could still have faith in legal experts who
had advised him to order a CID probe, which the Calcutta High Court has
described as illegal," one leader told *HT*.

"After a round of arguments, the CM left the room, saying he'd ask the chief
secretary to prepare the transfer orders.
But he came back and said it would not be wise to transfer the three
officers from Lalbazar during Durga Puja. To this, Ashok Ghosh said there
shouldn't be a moment's delay in transferring the officers and any
experienced officer could handle police arrangements during the festivals,"
the leader added.

After the meeting, Front chairman Biman Bose told reporters: "IPS officers
are not holy cows. Even they can be punished." Asked if any officer would be
promoted and shifted out of Lalbazar, he said: "Promotion is not
punishment."

The chief minister, on his part, maintained that though West Bengal, like
five other states, had approached the Supreme Court questioning the high
court's authority to unilaterally order a CBI probe, his government had
accepted Tuesday's high court order in view of public sentiment.

.
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=4&theme=&usrsess=1&id=173630

*Threshold of fear has been crossed *
The development of the past few months leave no one in doubt that the
CPI-M in West Bengal has become a prisoner of indecision, while its tallest
comrade, Mr Jyoti Basu has been reduced to a pitiable third umpire whose
decisions are overruled time and again. He is being projected as a
trouble-shooter, but in effect used as a safety valve to take the steam out
of raging controversies only to be thrown into limbo once the
pressure-cooker situation eases off somewhat.
Mr Basu was cast in this new role at the fag end of his political career
ever since the policy of industrialisation through farmland acquisition
turned into the three-decade-old Marxist regime's Achilles' heel. He did
achieve some measure of success in this game the CPI-M has devised for him,
but the tremendous risks it is fraught with are laid bare in the
Rizwan-ur-Rahman case.
It all started after the bloody backlash at Nadigram exposed the
Machiavellian scheme of the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government to try and
browbeat poor farmers into accepting the diktat from Writers' Buildings,
approved by Alimuddin Street, that they must hand over their fertile land
for a mega chemical hub project.
Initially, the whole project was shrouded in mystery, while the state
government went through the motions of negotiations and memorandum of
understanding signed with the Salim group of Indonesia. Plans were chalked
out for the Salim group to lay roads and build bridges for putting the
infrastructure for the project in place. No one had any inkling of the
diabolical scheme of displacing thousands of poor farmers through acquiring
25,000 acres of land.
But, when the surreptitious plan to acquire the land became public knowledge
after the Haldia Development Authority, headed by the CPI-M's local satrap,
the powerful Mr Lakshman Seth, put up a notice, Nandigram erupted.
The entire CPI-M leadership had no idea about how to deal with the people's
upsurge. A party, which grew from strength to strength by upholding the
right of poor and marginal farmers and share-croppers to own land through
protracted struggle for over five decades, took only a few months to
dispossess these farmers from their land acquired through blood and sweat.
There was no leader worth his salt at Alimuddin Street to rein in the chief
minister from such a death-wish as he grew too big for his shoes after the
Left Front's landslide victory in the Assembly poll. Mr Bhattacharjee seemed
to have begun to cast himself in the role Mr Jyoti Basu had played since the
death of Promode Dasgupta, the all-powerful ideologue and tactician of
Alimuddin Street. Mr Basu virtually became the last word for the party and
none in the hierarchy had the cheek to challenge his decision.
The victory in the 2006 Assembly poll, to which Mr Bhattacharjee's clean
image and the grand illusion about his mettle that wasn't much tested till
then, did have some contribution, got into his head. The death of Anil
Biswas, CPI-M state secretary who had proved himself to be a worthy
successor of Promode Dasgupta mainly because of his superior managerial
skill and cool, scheming brain, only a few months before the poll made the
situation tailor-made for Mr Bhattacharjee to behave imperiously over any
other party colleague.
And he proved that he bit off more than he could chew. Trinamul Congress
chief Miss Mamata Banerjee synchronised so well her fast for an indefinite
period to resist the Tata Motors' small car factory at Singur that Mr
Bhattacharjee ran out of ideas to tackle the biggest challenge to his
leadership.
When things spun completely out of control for the chief minister,
Alimuddin Street fielded Mr Jyoti Basu to defuse the crisis. Mr Basu went
about his job with elan promising the moon to Miss Banerjee, showing his
complete agreement with her objections to the Singur project, had touching
words for her health made precarious by the 27-day fast and assured her that
he would ask the state government to give the Tatas an alternative land for
the project.
There was immense relief for Mr Bhattacharjee and his government when Miss
Banerjee broke her fast. The next few weeks saw a pretended search by the
government for an alternative land. Eventually it announced that no such
land was available and that the Tatas would set up shop as planned before.
By then the agitation launched by Miss Banerjee had lost much of its sting,
while neither the government nor Alimuddin Street felt it necessary to
honour Mr Basu's commitment to Miss Banerjee.
Thereafter, the CPI-M's all-India leadership rushed to Mr Basu to play the
role of a third umpire when the UPA-government was all set to collapse in
the wake of the stand-off between the Left and the UPA over the Indo-US
civilian nuclear deal. The Prime Minister clenched his jaws and decided not
to give in to the CPI-M led by its general secretary, Mr Prakash Karat.
The ruling coterie in the CPI-M became so jittery about its inability to
find a way out that it shifted the venue of the party Politburo and Central
Committee meetings from Delhi to Kolkata to suit the convenience of the
nonagenarian Mr Basu.  It was at the prompting of Mr Basu that the
CPI-M made a tactical retreat and Mr Karat said for the first time in public
that he believed the Left-UPA coordination committee could achieve
something.
Even then the issue became so intractable for the CPI-M central leadership
that the end seemed to be near after the 5 and 9 October coordination
committee meetings. Again, Mr Basu had to step in and help Mr Karat and Co.
buy time by asking them to listen to what the external affairs minister, Mr
Pranab Mukerherjee, had to say following his visits to the USA and try to
find a compromise formula.
In the end no attempt was made to heed Mr Basu's advice and the Marxist
rhetorical outbursts continued till Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Mr Manmohan Singh
on their own volition announced a temporary truce declaring there's no
threat to the government which, they asserted, would complete its term.
The CPI-M deployed Mr Basu for the third time as the third umpire in the
Rizwan case. After the chief minister and Alimuddin Street shielded the
police higher-ups despite their patently partisan and diabolical role in the
mysterious death, there was an unprecedented public outrage.
As things started going out of control for the CPI-M leadership and the
chief minister, Mr Basu described the behaviour of the police officers,
including the Commissioner of Police, as "unacceptable and unheard of " and
announced the removal of two of them. He made it clear that the CP, who had
declared it to be a case of suicide even before the postmortem report was
ready, would have to go.
But, once Mr Basu did his bit in winning the confidence of the
grief-stricken family members who openly said they would rather meet Mr
Basu and not Mr Bhattacharjee, his advice was overruled and the chief
minister changed his mind scrapping his earlier decision to remove two of
the officers.
The truth is the Marxists have become so much rotten to the core after
enjoying power and pelf for three decades that it's beyond the Basus and
Biswases to clean the Augean stables. The present crop of CPI-M leadership
is unable to read the writing on the wall that the people, especially in the
rural areas, have crossed the threshold of fear of Marxist muscle power and
it's now an open-ended situation.

(The author is a Special Representative of The Statesman, Kolkata)

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