*'A positive secularism should be based not on Gandhi and Nehru but on
Phule, Ambedkar and Periyar'*

* Sociologist **Dr. Gail Omvedt**, emails answers to **BIJURAJ*'s* queries
on Mayawati, dalit movements, Hindutva and the modern-day communists. *


*What is the position of Dalits now in general? Is theirs a story of
progress or setbacks? *

I think there are many instances of progress. One of these is Mayawati's
victory. Questions could be raised about her strategy but there is little
doubt she has electrified dalits all over India and sent a scare to Congress
and other parties in the establishment. This carries a speck of dalit
movement in politics, and it should not be ignored. A dalit woman as CM, in
striking distance of becoming the PM, is a major achievement.
But there are also many negatives too. Many activists may feel the need of
'Shudra' or a 'Bahujan' alliance, a dalit-non Brahman alliance, to
annihilate caste. But this alliance appears to be in tatters today. The
mental backwardness of the backward castes, their ongoing mental slavery to
Brahmanism, remains a problem, illustrated by Khairlanji and numerous other
atrocities. Unless this is overcome, there can be no real victory. The UP
majority was possible because of the particular caste equations there – 20%
SCs, 12% Brahmans, 12% Thakurs. This is true of much of the "Chamar" belt,
and so BSP's strategy makes sense. But the same strategy cannot work
elsewhere.
There are also differences within the Dalit castes. The Mala-Madiga conflict
has become so severe in Andhra that some Madigas are demanding that Malas be
taken off the reserved list. Similar splits can be seen elsewhere, for
example among Matangs and Buddhists in Maharashtra. Nor is there any sense
of a Dalit unity in regard to demands to include Dalit Christians and Dalit
Muslims in the reserved list. While the courts are barring additional
reserved seats, the response of many dalit organizations has been entirely
negative. There is the need for a sense of solidarity.

*There is the other side to Mayawati's victory: corruption, nepotism,
opportunistic alliance. Also 'sarvajan samaj', her controversial slogan.*

Politics is a dirty game; I don't think she is more corrupt than any of the
other political leaders.
When Babasaheb said that dalits should become a ruling community, he meant
that they should not simply take up their own demands but keep the interests
of the entire society in mind. He continually stressed the harm that the
caste system has done in terms of not just oppressing the subalterns, but in
ruining the entire society. In this sense, Dalits can and do represent the
"sarvajan." It also has to be remembered that a political party does not
represent a section of the society but should set the agenda for entire
country. The call for a "sarvajan samaj" is part of an effort to mainstream
the BSP. I, for one, would be delighted if the BSP could emerge as the real
alternative to Congress, not just as a party protesting for the dalits.


*BSP used Hindu upper caste symbols and depictions for its election
campaign. *

Yes, but Dalits also need to use the symbols. They could point out that
"Naga" was also a word for elephant in the Pali literature (see the
Dhammapada) and that Buddha was called "mahanag." "Hathi naahi Ganesh hai…"
Ganesh is, originally, a non Aryan deity. It can be used to symbolise the
original casteless, classless society— ganvyavastha din, gan pati as "the
people as ruler."



*How can the caste system be annihilated? How do you go about it,
politically?*

Babasaheb Ambedkar had given two methods in his essay on the subject. One is
inter-caste marriage. Once this has gone far enough castes are rendered
meaningless. He also argued that it is necessary to renounce Brahmanic
Hinduism. Become a Buddhist, Christian, Sikh or a Muslim but renounce the
shastras. I'm not sure if it is enough to be an atheist since Brahmanism has
been effective in absorbing atheism. Sociologically speaking, atheism does
not provide the kind of family support that is necessary. People go back to
old ways. Of course, it may be argued that Brahmanism also absorbs and
co-opts Buddhism and Christianity. But when the majority of the country is
consciously non Hindu, we will see a different picture.

This has to begin from within the political sphere. There should be an end
to Brahmanic Hinduism practised in schools, appearing in texts, and in
subtle and not-so-subtle ways. Policies of affirmative action are needed to
break the historical links of caste and economic occupation and position, to
bring the people on an equal footing. This should apply to the defence,
science and the corporate sector.

I don't think changing names makes much difference. My analogy is "Harry
Potter". These English names bear the imprint of old occupations, but nobody
takes them seriously anymore. In American culture and, to some extent, the
English culture people take pride in having ancestors who were working
class. We rose by our own efforts, they say. This is not true in India,
where people prefer royal or Brahmanic ancestors!



*How are the Sangh Parivar and fundamentalism faring at the moment?*

I think they have had setbacks, but unless there is some positive response
these could be only temporary. The problem is that the Hindutva feeds on the
disgust people have with the Congress; and the "soft saffron" position
adopted by so many Congressmen. So as long as Congress remains what it is,
and there is no real alternative party, the opposition BJP and the Parivar
will benefit. The basic problem here is that we cannot really distinguish
between "Hinduism" and "Hindutva," Why, for instance, was it the land of
Gandhi, Gujarat, which had the pogroms? My disillusionment with Gandhi
really climaxed then. And in this sense Congress is the child of Gandhi,
more than of the so-called "secular" Nehru. A positive secularism has to be
fostered, based not on Gandhi and Nehru but on Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar and
other dalit-bahujan intellectuals.

*Do you believe that the dalit movements have nothing to draw from Gandhi's
legacy? Was Gandhi's role totally against Dalits?*

Yes, almost entirely. It is a fact that Gandhi was the first major opponent
of Ambedkar. After the round table on the issue of separate electorates, and
when Ambedkar announced his conversion, it was Gandhi who was his most vocal
opponent. The Hindu Mahasabhba accepted his conversion to Buddhism.

*One of the serious criticisms against Dr. Ambedkar is that he didn't take
the Freedom Movement seriously. His priority lay in the uprooting of the
caste system. *
Without annihilation of the caste system there is no real freedom.


*Is there a place for nationality, language and culture in caste movements?
Do you think that dalits should go back to own culture to find the basis for
emancipation?*

What has to be remembered is that local cultures and languages are so
heavily colonised by Brahmanism that it is hard for dalits to find their own
traditions. Caste discouraged change and innovation, forced people to remain
in their place. Of course there are positive elements, the histories of
rebellion and dissent, but these have to be recovered from brahmanic
cooption. For example, in Maharashtra the varkari movement— with Namdeo,
Cokhamela, Tukaram and the like—symbolized a revolt against caste, but much
of this has been lost to history. The temple remains controlled by Brahmans.
In Karnataka, the Lingayat movement began with Basava's revolt against
ritualism, polytheism and caste, symbolised by an inter-caste marriage that
led to a state repression and a popular revolt. But now the situation is
such that when a writer proposes that Basava may have been a dalit, he is
met by strong protest. Thus the traditions have to be fought for. This can
be done, I think, only with the help of a universalistic culture: dalits
need to use the world as their stage; learn computers, English – all of
which are necessary to transform the local cultures.

 *What is your view on the Communists and the Left in India? *

They are hardly communists. I don't know if they even read much of Marx any
more. Their protest against globalisation, for example, had tended to seek
solace in the old state capitalist societies, looking to the nation as an
alternative to a global order. I remember their predictions about
globalisation in 1991 – that the Indian capitalists would be "eaten up" by
international imperialism, there would be overwhelming price rise and so on.
This, of course, has not happened. Indian capitalists are doing quite well,
though inequalities have increased. They have failed to focus on the real
problems of globalisation, the way old imperialism based on the competition
of dominant nation-states with their colonies, has transformed itself into
Empire (in the words of Antonio Negri), and is taking on new forms of
integration, developing new methods of production. We have to go forward,
not backwards. They seem to waver between simply accepting all the
multinationals and investment – leading to Nandigrams – and holding to the
old forms of state capitalism, in which a Brahman-controlled public sector
was perceived to be socialistic. And there is no evidence that they have
really changed their old positions on Ambedkar, dalits, caste and gender.



*Should caste struggles be violent or non violent?*

Whether a struggle is nonviolent or violent depends on the response of the
class/caste enemy, and what people are ready for. Switching to violence when
there are opportunities for peaceful mass struggle and parliamentary
politics doesn't work, I think – except in backward societies such as Nepal.


*Once we saw an active Dalit Panther movement. Any lessons to be learnt
there?*

We can say that the Dalit Panthers were an immature though militant and
energetic movement. They were not organised enough; they very quickly broke
up into factions. They represented the aspirations of the period but had no
real strategy. Afterwards, the youth from those Mumbai slums said, "We
didn't know what was in the manifesto. All we knew was that if someone put
his hand on your sister, it was to be cut off!"

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