Sorry I forgot to provide the link.. its a commentary. I took it from Times
(london)

On Thu, Nov 6, 2008 at 7:45 AM, Bobby Kunhu <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:

> Damodar
> Is this an interview with Bronwen Maddox? Where is this interview from?
> Warmly
>
> 2008/11/6 damodar prasad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>
>> *He may bring fresh hope and cheer, but the world won't stop hating
>> America*
>>
>> Two months ago I brought out a book called *In Defence of America*. A
>> short book, perhaps I should say. I did not want or try to defend George W.
>> Bush's invasion of Iraq, or his creation of the prison camp at Guantanamo
>> Bay, which stand as an offence against intelligence, humanity and the rule
>> of law. But I did take issue with the *antiAmericanis*m that I felt had
>> blossomed in Europe since the fall of the Soviet Union, had taken root
>> during the Bush years and seemed likely to outlast him.
>>
>> *Does Barack Obama's victory make that case redundant? When crowds are
>> celebrating across Europe, when columnists are heralding the rebirth of
>> America, is there no need any more for that argument? Unfortunately not. Mr
>> Obama's triumph makes the case easier to argue; it does not get rid of the
>> reasons for making it.*
>> I would agree entirely with Mr Obama's champions that his success is
>> momentous. The image of Barack, Michelle and their daughters, waving high,
>> over the caption "President-elect", changed the role of the US in the world.
>> It showed that the US can confront the worst shadow over its claim to be
>> united by ideals of equality and freedom: the rifts and prejudices which are
>> the legacy of slavery and institutional racism. Americans' overwhelming vote
>> for the son of a Muslim confounded the charge that the US is on a crusade
>> against that religion. After years in which, critics say, the US was
>> hypocritical (and unsuccessful) in promoting democracy, the election showed
>> that it can live up to its own ideals of democratic change.
>>
>> *That does not get rid of the deep opposition that now exists to the US
>> taking a leading role in the world, and the suspicion of its motives. It
>> does not get rid of the filter of prejudice that takes for granted the best
>> that the US achieves, and exaggerates the worst.
>>
>> Expectations of Mr Obama around the world have moved from the vocabulary
>> of politics into magic*. To hear some claims that this is a giant step
>> for mankind, you would think that people had found a universal saviour.
>> Despite the determination of Mr Obama to rebuild ties with the world he is
>> bound to disappoint those hopes.* He may run into the usual limits of US
>> influence, force or money. Or he may, with every justification, pursue the
>> interests of 300 million Americans, not those of six billion other people.
>> The old resentment of the US may then be laid at his door.
>>
>> *On Sunday I took part in a debate on the role of the US as the world's
>> policeman as part of the Battle of Ideas, a weekend of talks in London
>> sponsored by *The Times*. The audience – urban , educated, moderate in
>> choice of words – was critical of the US, as were the other panellists (an
>> academic and a blogger). The US was lawless, guided only by self-interest,
>> they said – and they were not just talking about the Bush years. Many
>> derided the actions of the US in Central and Eastern Europe, denying that it
>> gave those countries much support.
>>
>> One man said quietly to me afterwards that he felt at odds with much of
>> the audience and thought that it was a generational division. "If you grew
>> up in the Cold War, you remember thinking that the bomb might drop, you
>> remember the Marshall Plan. But I think many younger people just say, 'That
>> was then, now is different'."
>>
>> I agree with him. You cannot dismiss the huge building blocks of the US's
>> postwar achievement in reconstructing Europe and in setting up the United
>> Nations as irrelevant to the present. *The foreign policy of the US has
>> always been a mixture of self-interest and idealism, never as pure as
>> admirers would like, rarely as venal as critics maintain. In the past 20
>> years its support of central and eastern European countries, financially and
>> diplomatically, has been crucial to the smoothness with which many moved
>> from the Soviet Union to the European Union. *
>>
>> Of course, the US has been high-handed in its manner from its birth. The
>> fall of the Soviet Union, in making it the world's superpower, added
>> triumphalism. The national shock of September 11, 2001, injected paranoia
>> and an ugly version of its historic sense of manifest destiny to its
>> confused attempt to identify its enemies. The Bush Administration
>> specialised in handcrafted insults of old allies.
>>
>> It would be wrong to pretend that Mr Bush was entirely an oddity in his
>> foreign policy. You cannot reject the worst of the US's actions without
>> throwing out the idealism and the willingness to intervene in others'
>> problems, which inspired its best. If it were not for Iraq, Bush would have
>> won more credit for the past two years, in which he has done much of what is
>> reasonable for the world to ask of a US president. He has worked with other
>> countries through the United Nations, tried to engage the Middle East and
>> taken the great share of military burdens in joint conflicts.
>>
>> Mr Obama said that he wanted to restore the US's standing in the world.
>> Already, he has done so. He will be incomparably better than Mr Bush. But
>> his foreign champions seem to want from him a vast commitment of time, money
>> and lives of US soldiers – and in their interests, as much as the US's own.
>> That is to set for him a standard that no US president has tried to meet. It
>> is to construct a pretext to let loose again, at some point, the
>> antiAmerican sentiment that has certainly not gone away.
>>
>> Of course, the US has been high-handed in its manner from its birth. The
>> fall of the Soviet Union, in making it the world's superpower, added
>> triumphalism. T*he national shock of September 11, 2001, injected
>> paranoia and an ugly version of its historic sense of manifest destiny to
>> its confused attempt to identify its enemies.* The Bush Administration
>> specialised in handcrafted insults of old allies.
>>
>> It would be wrong to pretend that Mr Bush was entirely an oddity in his
>> foreign policy. You cannot reject the worst of the US's actions without
>> throwing out the idealism and the willingness to intervene in others'
>> problems, which inspired its best. If it were not for Iraq, Bush would have
>> won more credit for the past two years, in which he has done much of what is
>> reasonable for the world to ask of a US president. He has worked with other
>> countries through the United Nations, tried to engage the Middle East and
>> taken the great share of military burdens in joint conflicts.
>>
>> Mr Obama said that he wanted to restore the US's standing in the world.
>> Already, he has done so. He will be incomparably better than Mr Bush. But
>> his foreign champions seem to want from him a vast commitment of time, money
>> and lives of US soldiers – and in their interests, as much as the US's own.
>> That is to set for him a standard that no US president has tried to meet. It
>> is to construct a pretext to let loose again, at some point, the
>> antiAmerican sentiment that has certainly not gone away.
>>
>> >>
>>

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