Link: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Op270609circle_of.asp
Article: *Circle Of Error* *Was the CPM defeated just to usher in a new cycle of violence in Bengal?* *APOORVANAND* * Literary Critic* IN THE PAST week, Khejuri — adjoining Nandigram in West Bengal — has been witnessing incessant violence. Offices belonging to the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) have been razed to the ground and vandalised. It is a declaration of dominion, this time, by the CPM’s rival, the Trinamool Congress (TMC). Do I sound like a liberal simpleton when I condemn this violence unleashed by ‘the people’ led by the TMC? Photographs of people tearing away grills from the windows of these offices and carrying them as ‘booty’ with smiling faces tell you that the same old story is being repeated. The plot remains the same; only the hunted have turned into hunters and the hunters of the past are now running for cover. Intellectuals who spoke up against CPM atrocities are now defending Trinamool violence as people’s will This is a turf war similar to the one between activists of the CPM and TMC at Nandigram for much of 2007. The roads to Khejuri are blocked; ministers and leaders of the CPM have been turned away, again, by ‘the people’. The police, as usual, stand mute witness, trained in this state to not go against the ‘will of the people’. How does it matter to them that now these people do not belong to the CPM, who were masters for the last three decades? They have learnt to follow, not the law, but the party. And in Nandigram today, the TMC is ‘The Party’. And the enemy territory of Khejuri, a long-time Marxist stronghold, has also been annexed. Victory is complete. Since the TMC’s candidate was elected in place of the CPM’s notorious strongman Lakshman Seth, the former has taken it upon itself to correct all the wrong that was done by him and his party. What is wrong if the villagers ‘assist’ the police in unearthing arms that were stockpiled in the CPM offices and the homes of their leaders? Why cry foul if the rage of the people burns the dens of Left criminals? Why not rejoice the destruction of the launchpad of the assault on Nandigram i.e. the Khejuri party office of the CPM? After all, didn’t the raiders find in these houses NREGA cards issued in the name of villagers and held illegally by the CPM men? Doesn’t it follow that the TMC was right in cleansing Khejuri of the CPM’s foul elements? And aren’t they right in boycotting the police, which has ‘wrongfully’ arrested 14 members of its liberation army on charges of arson? You cannot equate the Khejuri liberation with the Nandigram recapture by the CPM, we’re told. Has there been any killing this time, any rape? It’s apparently the pent up anger of the people suppressed for last 35 years that is erupting and devouring the CPM. We are witnessing popular upsurge, we’re told. Intellectuals who had spoken up courageously against CPM atrocities in 2008, today try to defend the battle in Khejuri as violence that reflects the will of the people! You’re expected to develop a nuanced understanding of violence so as to differentiate between violence that only burns houses, and drives out unwanted people, and the violence that also rapes, wounds and kills. The CPM was undone because it targetted the masses. The TMC, by vanquishing the earlier masters, inherited the masses. It appears the Trinamool has learnt the lesson well. Its leaders have struck when the CPM is totally knocked out and its ranks demoralised. The police, a trusted ally of the CPM, is not available, as they sensed that change was in the air. What better moment than this to strike at the enemy? Haven’t the people of Bengal already exercised their will by decisively voting out the CPM in the Lok Sabha election? Why turn these ‘people’ now into marauders, brutalising the opponents? The legitimacy gained through the civilised exercise of election is being used to justify violent action. More of this, and democracy is sure to die. The Left terrorised people and polarised them along party lines. The Trinamool is simply a mirror image This is what we have witnessed in Gujarat, where Chief Minister Narendra Modi sought to justify his subversion of the processes of the law in the name of a popular mandate. And this was precisely the argument used by the CPM not so long ago in Nandigram. Didn’t people vote for them for 30 long years? Weren’t they always used as a shield for the hegemonic acts of the CPM? Gradually, the party gobbled them up, thereby completing the task of integration of the people with the party. It’s not very hard to understand why it took the Opposition so long to register its presence in the citadel of the Left. The CPM had captured all social spaces, all cultural and social institutions. Since politics is also a semiotic game, they saw to it that every symbol representing Bengal had a definite Left stamp over it. The terror of the Left was such that its own intellectuals did not criticise the party for fear of being dubbed agents of the bourgeoisie. The Bengal society is also dangerously divided and polarised along party lines. It’s extremely difficult for a Trinamool supporter to live with dignity in a CPM village and vice versa. The CPM did not allow even its allies, like the Forward Block, CPI and RSP to grow beyond a point. It very systematically dehumanised Bengal society to such an extent that any act of opposition had to be, by rule, violent. The new opposition to the CPM has turned, in a sense, into its mirror image. I’m quoting from an article by Siraj written after the sixth Panchayati Raj elections in Bengal: “There is unprecedented rise in the CPM terror and clashes leading to a good number of deaths… The number of seats won uncontested by the Left front was 338 in 1978, 332 in 1983 and 1,716 in 1993. It had risen to 4,200 in 1988, but dipped to 600 in 1998 but jumped (again) to 6,800 in 2003. The ‘Marxist’ Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharja also had to ask in writing to his ‘party men to abide by democratic norms and not to prevent opposition candidates from filing nominations for Panchayat polls.” The mandate of the 2009 Lok Sabha election has created an opening for democratic politics in West Bengal. This is an opportunity for revitalising agencies meant to maintain the rule of law, like the police. It’s tempting to make them shift their loyalty to another party, but this is too easy. The administration and police must realise that their allegiance should be to the Constitution and not to The Party, old or new. West Bengal has forgotten that the best way to live democratically is to give dignity to your opponent and not humiliate and destroy him. The *Ilaka Dakhal* campaign in Khejuri was ‘bloodless’, but in other parts, a fierce battle for turf-control is on. Maoists and CPM members are locked in bloody gun-battles, and wives of opposing party members are paraded with shoe-garlands. It shows that Bengal is still far from “the sphere of human agreement”, which, according to Walter Benjamin, is “non-violent to the extent that it is wholly inaccessible to violence.” Benjamin calls it “the proper sphere of understanding”, which cannot be achieved through force or arms. It has to be created only by using the most democratic tool — language. *WRITER’S EMAIL* [email protected] - On 19 June, 11:16, venukm <[email protected]> wrote: > Please find an item from Times of India(19-06-09), written by Jhimil > Mukherjee Pandey: > > KOLKATA: It's been just over three decades since the Naxalite > uprising, but old-timers haven't forgotten the heady whiff of > revolution. So, > parallels are being drawn with the Lalgarh movement just as the > Maoists have rattled the CPM government, the Naxalites, back in the > '60s and '70s, had put the Congress government in a fix. There are > similarities in the two operations. > > But yesteryear Naxalites don't think so. In fact, they brand the > Lalgarh offensive a "misadventure". > > Many feel the time was not suitable for an armed offensive. According > to them, it was the time for a democratic movement through which the > masses could have been mobilised and demands placed. As the Left > Front's losses in the Lok Sabha elections show, change is in the air. > Had the democratic movement failed to get a better deal for the > tribals, only then would an armed struggle be imperative. > > At this stage, it would just see innocent lives sacrificed without > managing to get a fair deal for the masses, they feel. > > One of the most well-known faces of the Naxalite movement, Kanu > Sanyal, felt that from the very beginning, the Lalgarh movement lacked > the character of a mass uprising. This is the main difference with the > Naxalite movement, which started off with farmers capturing land. The > struggle revolved around keeping the land away from the state or the > rich landowner. "Our agenda was fixed. We led the farmers from the > forefront and were ready to die. So many of us got caught and killed, > but it was for the cause of a revolution. But the Maoists are egging > on the tribals of Lalgarh from the rear. When the state machinery > strikes, they have their retreat route ready. Do you call this a > revolution?" Sanyal asked. > > He still lives in Naxalbari in Darjeeling district and has been keenly > following the developments in Lalgarh. "I had expected them to at > least come up with a charter of demands for the people. Instead, they > have always played on the emotions of the tribals by calling them a > class. During the Naxalite movement we just had two classes the rich > and the poor we didn't create such caste divides." All that the > Maoists had done for the tribals was create a small armed group that > would fight police while they themselves beat a retreat. The unarmed > masses would be left to die, he feared. > > Another well-known Naxalite leader, Purnendu Basu, feels the Maoists > are not good strategists. "They are using helpless tribals as bait to > increase their influence. Several Naxalite leaders like Santosh Rana, > Pradip Banerjee and Aditya Kisku, have been trying for the past year > to visit them and start a dialogue. It would have actually helped the > Maoists as these three leaders had led the struggle in the same zone > in the 70s and could have shared their experiences and seen that there > were no excesses," Basu added. > > Azizul Haq is upset with the way in which the Maoist movement is > progressing in Lalgarh. "Listen to their leader Kishanji's interviews. > He has himself said that Maoists helped oust Trinamool from Keshpur > while he is now trying to oust CPM from Lalgarh. Are they hired goons > or leaders of a mass movement?" Haq asked. > > He also questioned the new-found friendship between Maoists and > Trinamool. "How can a movement like this find a friend in Trinamool > that represents the remnants of feudalism? A party that has a leader > who was the publicity officer in Voice of America against the > Nicaragua struggle (Kabir Suman) will help Maoists in their pro-people > struggle?" Haq asked cynically. > > He felt that the state operation at Lalgarh is nothing but big drama, > which will help them escape. It might also see Maoist leaders take > refuge in Trinamool leaders' homes initially and establish themselves > elsewhere. > > On Jun 18, 12:29 pm, damodar prasad <[email protected]> wrote: > > > As we now it did not happen all of a sudden. Something really troubling. > > Actually, "second liberation struggle" is happening in WB not in Kerala. The > > rainbow coalition of TMC, Maoist with the support of Congress party perhaps > > is behind the Lalgarh violence as alleged by CPM. But CPM is no saintly > > crowd. Some argues that the violence is a reaction to CPM totalitarian > > terror for the last many years. > > But something terrible is happening in the rural WB as many studies > > indicate. > > Congress wants to depict this as mere Law and Order problem. The TMC demand > > of dismissing WB govt. is alive. > > > On Thu, Jun 18, 2009 at 12:40 PM, Santhosh Kumar < > > > [email protected]> wrote: > > > It is really unfortunate situation. All spectrum of Communist Parties > > > using > > > violence to their end, constitutional or extra constitutional - using > > > state > > > and outside state,against common people and their struggles. Violence > > > breading and justifying violence. > > > > On Thu, Jun 18, 2009 at 12:29 PM, damodar prasad <[email protected] > > > > wrote: > > > >> Hi, > > > >> Cross-posting Aditya Nigam's write-up from Kafila > > > >> *Maoist Violence in Lalgarh, West Bengal, Must be Condemned* > > > >> The inevitable has happened. As soon as the election results came out and > > >> the wall of fear collapsed and mass anger against the ruling CPM became > > >> evident, the Maoists waiting in the wings have come out into the open. > > >> *However, > > >> what is happening today in Lalgarh and other parts of West Bengal cannot > > >> be > > >> justified by pointing at the CPM’s totalitarian terror in the Bengal > > >> countryside.* > > > >> According to reports, the violence, killings of CPM activists and > > >> members, > > >> especially in Lalgarh, has now acquired unprecedented proportions. CPM > > >> members are being driven out of their homes or killed. The offices of the > > >> party have been targeted on a large scale, not just in Lalgarh but > > >> elsewhere > > >> in West Bengal. > > > >> At Kafila, we had earlier, on 22 April, reported on what is going on in > > >> Lalgarh<http://kafila.org/2009/04/22/lalgarh-media-and-the-maoists-monobina-g...>. > > >> That Maoists have been active in Lalgarh is well known. In this report > > >> filed > > >> after a visit to Lalgarh, Monobina Gupta had drawn attention towards the > > >> disjunction between the Maoist leadership’s designs and the local Maoist > > >> activists who were having to work along with the popular sentiment. > > >> Monobina’s report went further: > > > >> *In fact, curiously enough, the situation on ground zero is not going > > >> exactly in accordance with the plans of Maoist central leaders who favour > > >> stepping up violence*. Insiders talk about a growing discordance between > > >> the central leadership and the ‘Maoist villager’, active in the movement. > > >> *With the agitation forging ahead, Maoist central leaders want to have a > > >> firmer grip; they want landmines, killings, terror, systematic targeting > > >> of > > >> informers*. But the grassroots ‘Maoist’ worker is unwilling. “They > > >> realize any such violent action will lead to their isolation and the > > >> death > > >> of the movement. *But Maoist central leaders believe they made the > > >> movement and should have the right to control it,” said an insider*. “One > > >> of the reasons villagers are sympathetic to Maoists is because they know > > >> them intimately, not as some distant commander, but the youth next door, > > >> who > > >> works for and with the poor. But violence would find little > > >> endorsement,” he > > >> said. > > > >> Today, in the aftermath of the elections, the design of the Maoist > > >> central > > >> leadership seems to have won the day. Maoist cadre are out in the open. > > >> Activists associated with the movement and with the Lalgarh Sanhati > > >> Mancha, > > >> confess to a feeling of helplessness as the armed Maoist cadre threaten > > >> to > > >> take over and derail the movement that has so far afforded little space > > >> to > > >> its politics of violence. > > > >> In some of our earlier posts, we had condemned Maoist violence in > > >> Chattisgarh, especially its threats against the human shields > > >> programme<http://kafila.org/2008/10/19/maoist-disruption-of-the-non-violent-hum...>of > > >> the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram and the wanton killings > > >> by them in > > >> Nayagarh<http://kafila.org/2008/02/22/condemnation-of-maoist-and-state-violenc...>in > > >> Orissa (22 February 2008). The latter was a statement issued by eleven > > >> intellectuals and activists who had also been raising their voice against > > >> the Nandigram violence. This statement expressed its “complete > > >> opposition to > > >> this cult of violence” and had warned that > > > >> *The Maoist atrocity in Nayagarh is particularly unfortunate as it is > > >> detrimental > > >> to the various democratic mass movements all over Orissa that are > > >> resisting > > >> the policies of land grab and diversion of natural resources to global > > >> and domestic corporations.* The Orissa government is bound to use this > > >> incident as yet another excuse to crack down on the militant but > > >> non-violent > > >> struggles of the people against unjust development policies in the state. > > > >> Today, once again, in West Bengal this is the threat that the democratic > > >> mass movement faces. Maoist violence is once again set to eliminate every > > >> intermediate space of democratic protest and struggle, leaving the > > >> villagers > > >> with only two options: either line up with the state or follow the > > >> Maoists. > > >> This is the picture everywhere, wherever the Maoists are in command, from > > >> Chattisgarh to parts of Andhra and Orissa. That is the challenge before > > >> democratic struggles and public opinion today. --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To post to this group, send email to [email protected] To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---
