Friends, The *Peace Now* (organ of the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace, India), October 2009 issue would be out on October 1.
Reproduced below is the *Editorial *and *Contents*. Please place your orders for copies immediately with <[email protected]>. Sukla *Editorial* * * * On September 24, just before going to the press, the UN Security Council in its sixty-fourth year and 6191st meeting having been chaired by the US President Barack Obama had its agenda, “Maintenance of international peace and security: Nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament”, approved; and then proceeded to unanimously adopt the Resolution 1887 (2009), as had been drafted by the Chair, without any amendment or modifications. The easy passage of the Resolution goes to indicate a lot of behind-the screen confabulations, to mould and accommodate various viewpoints, prior to the actual meet. Be that as it may, while the precise import of the Resolution is being scanned and deciphered by the experts, this has been universally recognised as a very significant development in line with the earlier pronouncement by Obama on April 5 in Prague, which had been acknowledged a positive development by the CNDP even if with a few riders, and his subsequent decision to scrap the ballistic missile defence project in Europe. (This has also been cautiously welcomed by the CNDP.) On expected lines, the government of India has responded belligerently. In a missive shot by the Permanent Representative of India at UN, H S Puri, in anticipation of the Resolution, it has been defiantly asserted: “Nuclear weapons are an integral part of India’s national security and will remain so”. And no less than the authority of Indian Prime Minister’s pronouncement in Indian parliament on July 29 2009 has been cited in support. Of course, true to Indian traditions, the high principle of “non-discriminatory and global nuclear disarmament” has been duly referred to and the over-emphasis on “non-proliferation” has been righteously slammed. But that just cannot obliterate the fact of profound immorality of considering nuclear weapons “an integral part of India’s national security” in complete reversal of India’s proclaimed stand till 1996. At the height of the CTBT debate, as late as in March 1996, India’s the then Foreign Secretary Salman Haider had made a special appearance before the Conference on Disarmament to say: “We do not believe that the acquisition of nuclear weapons is essential for national security, and we have followed a conscious decision in this regard. We are also convinced that the existence of nuclear weapons diminishes international security. We, therefore, seek their complete elimination. These are fundamental precepts that have been an integral basis of India’s foreign and national security policy.” What a horrendous reversal! “All the waters in the ocean cannot wash away the blood”! So to say. Whatever the merits and shortcomings of the UNSC Resolution 1887, which has been generally welcomed – ranging from ecstatic to somewhat muted - by the global peace movements; India, in the recent years, has for sure emerged as a major impediment to the process of global nuclear disarmament, albeit still taking cover under all sorts of high principles. And there is a sort of “consensus” across the mainstream political spectrum. That makes the task of Indian peace movement all the more difficult and their role all the more crucial. There has recently been no spectacular movement forward as regards the Indo-US Nuclear Deal. In fact, the final confirmation to the IAEA from India appears to be still pending. The 1962 Atomic Energy Act which is reportedly in for some major overhaul to facilitate private participation in the nuclear sector as operators, and also to help the American suppliers of nuclear reactors to have a piece of the pie, remains in tact. At least as yet. Armed with the 45-meber NSG waiver, six bilateral MOUs/agreements have, however, been sewn up till date – with Kazakhstan, Namibia and now Mongolia for uranium; and also Russia, France and the US, primarily for reactors. So a massive expansion of the nuclear power programme, with all the nightmarish consequences, is very much on the cards. So that needs as robust a response. The current issue deals with all these in some details and depth. * Contents *EDITORIAL* *A. India and Nuclear Disarmament / 2* I. CNDP Statement on Obama Administration Scrapping European Missile Defence Plan II. Towards Nuclear Disarmament / Garimella Subramaniam III. The Case Against Further N-tests by India / Praful Bidwai IV. A New Nuclear Debate in India / J. Sri Raman *B. Nuclear Disarmament: Global Perspective / 9* I. Nuclear Zero: Key Issues to be Addressed / George Perkovich II. Disarmament Work amidst a Global Economic Crisis / Andrew Lichterman III. Declaration of the International Meeting 2009 World Conference against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs: Call for Global Solidarity IV. A Major Step Forward on Nuclear Nonproliferation and Disarmament / David Krieger V. At Historic Summit, Security Council Passes Resolution to Limit Nuclear Proliferation / Democracy Now! interviews John Burroughs VI. World Nuclear Forces Today / Shannon N. Kile, Vitaly Fedchenko and Hans M. Kristensen *C. Struggle against Nuclear Power / 27* I. Concept Note: Delhi Rally by National Alliance of Anti-nuclear Movements *D. Book Review / 33* I. 'Nuclear Weapons: At What Cost?' by Ben Crammer *E. Discussion / 33* I. Lunacy at the Time of Radiation: The Tragedy Unfolding in Jadugoda / JOAR --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To post to this group, send email to [email protected] To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---
