Forget a war, nuclear bombs can’t win a fair election

*Jawed Naqvi*

Monday, 28 Sep, 2009


Indira Gandhi conducted India’s first nuclear test in 1974, which she
euphemistically called a peaceful nuclear device. If it won her plaudits
from fawning Indians it wasn’t evident. By 1975 she was forced to suspend
democracy and put her political opponents in prison. When she ordered
elections in 1977 she was routed.

In May 1998, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government carried out more
nuclear tests. The party lost all three states – Madhya Pradesh, Delhi and
Rajasthan – where it had governments that year, to the Congress – so much
for the macho appeal of bombs.

Clearly atom bombs can’t win elections for their advocates nor can they win
a war against an atomic rival. Sadly the biggest Pakistani champion of
nuclear weapons was the iconic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. His army hanged him and
usurped his pointlessly bilious agenda. Bhutto had said his countrymen would
eat grass if required but they would still make the bomb.

I acidly asked the late Benazir Bhutto during her trip to Delhi, when she
was visiting here to canvass support against Gen Musharraf’s dictatorship,
whether the cuisine in her country had improved after the Chaghai tests. She
cancelled the TV interview she was scheduled that day to give to my
journalist brother. Mao had said it didn’t matter if half of China perished
in a nuclear war. But he never had to stand for elections.

President Obama’s initiative for global nuclear disarmament invoked a
defiant response from India, whose permanent representative rejected its
relevance for India. The fact that the Obama initiative was upheld
unanimously by the UN Security Council makes it legitimate to see countries
that stand in defiance to its resolve as rogue states.

The most outrageous untruth in India’s opposition to the Obama initiative
was the claim by the Indian envoy that the nuclear debate in India falls
within the ambit of the Indian parliament. The fact is that both the tests –
1974 and 1998 – were carried out surreptitiously without any mandate or
sanction from the parliament.

I was interviewing then Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu the
day the first tests were conducted in 1998. He was sweating profusely,
clasping his head with disbelief. How could the coalition government of
which he was a make-and-break partner, do something so suicidal, he had
wondered loudly. Naidu’s dream of support from the World Bank for his
e-governance agenda lay in tatters. No coalition partner of the BJP was
informed of the tests, much less the parliament.

What else was the Indian envoy to the UN claiming last week? ‘India cannot
accept externally prescribed norms or standards on matters within the
jurisdiction of its parliament or which are not consistent with India’s
constitutional provisions and procedures, or are contrary to India’s
national interests or infringe on its sovereignty. India cannot comply with
non-proliferation obligations to which it has not provided its sovereign
consent.’

How one wishes the same zeal was applied to the parliament’s other statutes,
for example, the various fundamental rights to food, education and so forth.
The one occasion the nuclear issue was discussed with any degree of
sincerity in the Indian parliament, opposition MPs claimed they were bribed
to help win the vote for Prime Minister Singh’s government. Bundles of
currency notes were displayed by MPs in the Lok Sabha.

Defending the government’s agreement with the United States for civil
nuclear cooperation (which is but a backdoor route to shore up the country’s
nuclear weapons capability) during that particular debate the young Congress
MP Rahul Gandhi highlighted the tragedy of a widow whose farmer husband had
committed suicide. Tens of thousands of indebted farmers have killed
themselves in India because of flawed free market policies and there is no
end to their tragedy in sight.

Should their families believe that the government is working overtime to
improve their lot by making India prosperous not the least by defending it
with prohibitively expensive weapons? No wonder the headline in the Italian
newspaper, reporting Arundhati Roy’s recent address in Turin, screamed:
‘Superpoor superpower’.

Advocates of India’s deterrent, such as former foreign minister Jaswant
Singh, say that the country was opposed to nuclear apartheid (which the NPT
actually spawns) and that is what justified its current doctrine. The Indian
envoy at the UN adlibbed this view the other day.

‘We cannot accept any obligations arising from treaties that India has not
signed or ratified,’ he declared. ‘This position is consistent with the
fundamental principles of international law and the Law of Treaties. India
cannot accept calls for universalisation of the NPT.’

He quoted Prime Minister Singh as saying in parliament on July 29 that there
was no question of India joining the NPT as a non-nuclear weapon state.
‘Nuclear weapons are an integral part of India’s national security and will
remain so, pending non-discriminatory and global nuclear disarmament,’ the
envoy added.

Technically, after last week’s resolution, North Korea, Pakistan, India, and
Israel – the non-NPT nuclear gatecrashers – have become a key obstruction to
the promise of a nuclear-free world. However, the international community is
so used to playing favourites that it may not notice this bitter reality.
How can we justify the brouhaha over Iran’s alleged nuclear weapons
programme when we are not prepared to bell the cat, starting with Israel?

Returning home from the G-20 summit in Pittsburgh, Dr Manmohan Singh was
asked to comment on the issue of Iran’s nuclear pursuit. He said: ‘As far as
India is concerned our position has been in principle that Iran is a
signatory to the NPT and as a signatory to the NPT, it has all the rights,
which go with its membership that is peaceful use of atomic energy. And it
must also carry out all its obligations. I think that is our position and
that’s the principled position that we have taken in the last five years.’

Nothing could be less convincing. India’s stand in 1983 was about declaring
the Indian Ocean a nuclear-free zone not to have nuclear weapons of its own.
This was the resolve expressed unanimously by the Non-aligned summit in
Delhi that year. Both Iran and Iraq were present even though they were
locked in a brutal war. Then India broke ranks and changed its policy. But
it maintains that Iran can’t because it is a signatory to the NPT. Why
should Iran not take this as an invitation to walk out of the NPT? Would
India then support its nuclear weapons quest?

For countries like India and Pakistan there are better examples to follow.
South Africa is one such. It has the nuclear capability but chose to
dismantle its nuclear arsenal. Diplomatic subterfuge can be dangerous.

At the Potsdam Conference on July 24, 1945, President Truman told Stalin
that the US now possessed ‘a new weapon of unusual destructive force’.
Churchill, who was present, says he saw hardly any reaction from Stalin,
except that he encouraged Truman to use whatever special weapon the
Americans claimed to have found against the Japanese.

They were all of course totally misled. Soviet Marshal Georgii Zhukov,
present at the meeting, later recorded: ‘Both Churchill and many other
Anglo-American authors subsequently assumed that Stalin had really failed to
fathom the significance of what he had heard. In actual fact, on returning
to his quarters after this meeting Stalin, in my presence, told Molotov
about his conversation with Truman. The latter reacted almost immediately.
‘Let them. We’ll have to talk it over with Kurchatov and get him to speed
things up.’ I realised that they were talking about research on the atomic
bomb.’

The first nuclear mistrust was sown on that fateful day in July 1945. We
continue to live the lie today. The difference is that we have started lying
to our own people, including certain grief-stricken widows of impoverished
farmers who killed themselves for less pretentious reasons than national
sovereignty.

*[email protected]*

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