Quote
The "demand" for sub-quota, by no stretch, is a "demand". It's just an
alibi. A pure and simple "alibi" to block women's reservation.
First of all, the SC and ST will automatically have their quota (of
reservation) within (women's) quota. to ask for it is a mere act of
deception.
There is no such reservation for OBCs or Muslims in state or central
legislatures, so there will be none here either. Till some other amendments
are made.

These selfsame worthies, it is pertinent to note, had no problem with
women's reservation in Panchayats. Because these are too insignificant from
their point of view.
Nor they are known to ever have raised any women's issues other than this.
Unquote

And:
Quote
The points here are as under:

With great difficulties - for years,  the Bill has just scraped through in
the RS, after a day's of pandemonium on the following day
after Marshalls having been deployed.
Everyone understands, in order to kill, or at least stun, the Bill what one
has to do is to ask for a version different from the one passed by the RS.
That's precisely these opponents are doing.

And their concerns for women are well-known. This is just crocodile tears.
The example of the Muslim clerics referred to is just a telling
illustration. So is the silence of the other opponents of the Bill on the
ground of concern for (Muslim and OBC) women.
Unquote

Also:

Quote
How the passage of WRB is going  to worsen their representation status?
At least the Muslim/OBC women will stand a better chance to have a
higher representation from within the women's quota.
Dalits and STs would of course straightaway benefit.
And once the women's quota is there, it opens up the scope for the next
stage of the battle (for sub-quota).

Evidently, this is a ploy of the OBC/Muslim males to suppress their women in
their name!
A dirty trick. And that's all.
Unquote

Sukla

On 6 April 2010 17:41, damodar prasad <[email protected]> wrote:

> mere repititon of argument does not make anyway better.
> But see this Indian twist-trick:
> "the underlying argument is that the CPM/BJP male leaders are patriarchal,
> and hence it is quite kosher for the OBC/Muslim male leaders to be so"
>
> Deep inside the secular pretensions lies a mind, which is eager to
> "demonize" the Muslim/OBC leaders for demanding the reservation. If the
> reservation concerns about equity, then you necessarily have to consider the
> question of non or un-representaion of Muslim/OBC women in legliative
> process.
>
> I quote the EPW edit once again:
>
>  "It is important to note that right from when it was first tabled in
> 1996, the main opposition to reservation for women in the legislature has
> always centred on the question of sub-quotas for Muslims and Other Backward
> Classes (OBCs), or additional quotas for dalit women. In other words,
> despite misleading media images, there has never been a simple opposition
> between feminist support and patriarchal resistance. Vocal dissent has
> always invoked the interests of the already disadvantaged castes and
> communities – *it has never opposed women’s rights as such. Indeed, the
> media’s eagerness to demonise backward caste and Muslim politicians opposing
> the Bill serves to obscure the unspoken patriarchy that is at work behind
> the scenes in every political party. *How else do we explain the low
> presence of women candidates among political parties in favour of women’s
> reservations in all the national and state elections after 1996? It is the
> silent subversion of the ayes – and not the noisy disruption of the nays –
> that is most responsible for the 14 years of exile endured by this Bill"
> (EPW edit, March 13, 2010)
>
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