We can do without her moral certificates

Jyotirmaya Sharma

There is much in Arundhati Roys writings and pronouncements that I have
little difficulty, at least with certain qualifications, in accepting. I
agree that Indian democracy is far from perfect. I agree that successive
regimes in India, at the Centre and at the level of the states, have short-
changed vast sections of Indian people, mostly the poor and the
marginalised. I think that the continuation of outfits like the Salwa Judum
is an abomination and no civilised society ought to tolerate such vigilante
groups.

I am with Roy when she says that the lifestyles and livelihood of the
adivasis is under grave threat in the name of harebrained ideas of progress
and development.

I also agree that P. Chidambaram is a disaster as Home Minister and has
scant political sense and no vision, the proverbial man without qualities.
At the same time, I dislike Roys illusions of certainty, her self-
righteousness, her inability to go beyond self- serving monologues and her
prophetic tone.

*Apologist*

Arundhati Roys essays remind me of two people. Their length and their tone
of moral certitude remind me of Arun Shourie, the journalist. He landed
ultimately in the BJP and now endorses every crime and misdemeanour of the
BJP, including the 2002 post- Godhra riots and Narendra Modis role during
that period. The second person that Roys writings remind me of is Carl
Schmitt.

Those unfamiliar with Schmitt would do well to remember that he was Hitlers
apologist, who wrote tracts that supported the Nazi regime. He found liberal
democracy and parliamentarianism impotent and mediocre ways of organiaing
human societies. But even today, he is studied seriously for suggesting that
in the age of technology, the only political relationship that is feasible
is the one between friend and foe. The political for him lies in identifying
the enemy and eliminating the enemy. There is, therefore, always an in-
group and an outgroup, those who belong and those who do not.

While Roy might use the word fascist as a term of abuse, she is hardly
aware that she, perhaps unconsciously, shares much with one of the most
articulate and thoughtful apologists of the Nazi regime.

In romanticising the naxals and justifying their violence, she is merely a
victim of a philosophy that designates virtue and moral superiority to one
section of the population and delineates the rest as morally and ethically
compromised. It would be perfectly right to say that the naxals imitate the
criminality of the state ( a phrase paraphrased from Marx, no less), but to
justify violence as a legitimate means of redressal of grievances is plainly
silly.

*Justification*

Roy justifies naxal violence by adding emotive elements on to the question
of naxal violence. Hunger and the loneliness of the forests in her eyes
justifies this brand of violence. Let us take the question of hunger first.
The assumption implicit in Roys argument is that once people are
understanding, but because she is incapable of holding a conversation with
anyone other than those that agree with her.

This instinct has two sources. The first comes from the fear that she will
lose her identity if she ceased to be marginal. Her marginality is her
advertisement, and excess of anything, as Lenins Russia taught us, is
advertisement. The second is a degree of Platonism, where politics is seen
as a relentless tutorial in the hands of a few chosen wise men and women.

These wise men and women, it is assumed, have seen the Light and have truth
and God on their side. Everyone else lives under a veil of ignorance,
incapable of perceiving their true interests and what is good for society as
a whole.

The reason why Roy finds Gandhi to be pious humbug stems from the above
reasons.

Gandhi, with all his faults, did not divide the world into friend and foe.
He did not believe in winning wars quickly and expeditiously. If delay in
getting justice be the price to pay for simple ideas of decency and
civility, Gandhi was patient enough to wait, sacrifice and endure, rather
than let the wild beasts of the forest rule our world. Aurobindo Ghosh asked
Devdas Gandhi what the Mahatma would have done in the face of an adversary
like Hitler, who was different from the imperial, but fundamentally liberal,
British rule. Gandhi thought it would be right for millions to happily die
in the gas chambers than compromise on ideas of civility and decency.

*Gandhi*

Roy finds Gandhi redundant because his politics depended on a certain degree
of theatricality and the presence of an audience, something denied to the
naxals and the tribals. This is right in a way, since even Roy, the city-
dwelling champion of those in the forest, has to invoke Gandhi in order to
be heard in order to carry off her own piece of theatre. She obviously knows
that the modern Indian state has nothing to do with either Gandhian ideas or
with Gandhian methods.

Had she said Manmohan Singh is pious humbug or Sonia Gandhi is pious humbug,
foreign newspapers would hardly have reproduced her article in their pages.
Both Mont Blanc and Arundhati Roy need Gandhi, after all, to sell their
products.

Having said this, Roy is right that Gandhi has little to say about the
plight of the naxals and tribals, and even much less about the mining sharks
and the marauding multinationals active in India.

But he also did not have much to say about the cell phone, the ipod and
cybercrime.

In sharp contrast, Roy is better placed in having a view about all things
known and unknown.

She suffers from no degree of doubt, has little sense of irony and no
humour. Along with the BJP and certain strands of the loony Left, she has
opened her own National Bureau of Moral Certification.

We now await the founding of her autonomous republic, where the heart will
always be full, but the mind empty.

*The writer teaches politics at the University of Hyderabad*

http://epaper.mailtoday.in/epaperhome.aspx?issue=2742010

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