If wishes were horses ...!

Quote
Things are complex, tumultuous, and it is unclear what will happen. This
regime is verging on a complete legitimacy crisis, and outpourings of
rebellion or even revolution may lie just around the corner. Much awaits to
be seen.
Unquote
[The concluding paragraph of the article reproduced below.]

Compare:
Quote
One thing is of course certain, however intense may be cadre pressure, there
is no prospect of their [i.e. UCPN(M)] going back to the jungles. At least
in the immediate future.
They are, as it looks, sharpening their tools of parliamentary political
struggles. That does not of course rule out extra-parliamentary forms of
struggle to complement the core current.
Unquote
[Source: 'Nepal Updates: UCPN(Maoist) Toning Down?' by this commentator,
posted on June 06 2010 9:19 am, available at <
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/GreenLeft_discussion/message/70679>.]

And, also:

Quote
The turmoil and unrest would therefore continue. So a reconciliation of
sorts is a must.
All the players must come to the negotiation table. But the UCPN(M) would
now play with a decidedly weaker hand.
That, however, does not ipso facto rule out the possibilities of Prachanda
regaining his Prime Ministerial chair once again. But on the crucial issue
of integration of the Maoist PLA with the Nepal Army, the terms are bound to
be far less favourable than had been earlier anticipated. Ditto on other
contentious issues.
Unquote
[Source: 'Nepal: Janandolan III That It Was Not' by this commentator, posted
on May 08 2010 00:44:32, available at <
http://www.mail-archive.com/[email protected]/msg11062.html>.]

Quote
At a certain point, the general strike was called off for reasons which are
not yet clear, even on the ground here in Nepal.
Unquote
[Excerpted from the article below.]

Compare:
Quote
The UCPN(M) had repeatedly tried to trigger similar upsurge since
Prachanda's resignation on May 4 2009 as the Prime Minister followed by, his
erstwhile comrade, Madhav Nepal taking over, on May 25, with Prachanda
continuing as the caretaker PM in the interlude. But despite pretty
impressive shows of organised strength on the streets, they repeatedly
failed. The magic just eluded them.
This current phase, beginning on May 1 with a huge rally followed by
indefinite strike till Nepal resigns, was their "final" attempt. Despite
nail biting uncertainties, they have again failed. This time, they tried
hardest. So the fall is harder. The magic simply refused to materialise. And
the massive Peace Rally in Kathmandu on Friday, May 7, morning, apart from
the breaking out of violent clashes between the local residents and strike
enforcers at various sites particularly since the previous day, was
evidently the game changer.
Unquote
[Source: 'Nepal: Janandolan III That It Was Not' .]

Quote
At the last hour, M.K. Nepal, the ruling parties, and the Maoists reached a
“three-point agreement.” M.K. Nepal would resign within “five days,” the
Constituent Assembly would be extended one year, and the peace process would
be carried through. This agreement would soon be betrayed by both the UML
and Nepali Congress parties, and M.K. Nepal would not resign.
Unquote
[Excerpted from the article below.]

Quote
Earlier, the three major parties – Unified CPN-Maoist, Nepali Congress and
CPN-UML – had spent the whole day brainstorming on the contents of the
three-point agreement that ultimately paved the way for the extension of the
Constituent Assembly.
The Maoists wanted to mention that Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal would
step down within a specific date while the NC and CPN-UML refused to do so.
The ruling partners had insisted that the PM would resign only after
detailed plan of action was worked out on peace and constitution-making
processes.
Sources said the PM would probably tender his resignation within five days
if the parties clinched a deal on peace and constitution-making processes.
 Later, the parties agreed that the PM would step down after implementation
process of the peace process began and action plan of the
constitution-drafting process was agreed upon.
Unquote
[Source: <
http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=CA+gets+new+lease+of+life+in+dying+hours+of+House+&NewsID=245554
>.]

Sukla

http://thefirecollective.org/Nepal/nepals-people-fight.html

<http://thefirecollective.org/Nepal/nepals-people-fight.html> NEPAL'S
CRISIS: RESISTANCE AND THE LIES OF THE
RULERS<http://thefirecollective.org/Nepal/nepals-people-fight.html>

*Eric Ribellarsi*

Jun 05, 2010

 As I watched on May 28th, thousands of people surrounded the Constituent
Assembly building to burn effigies of Prime Minister M.K. Nepal, a man who
has repeatedly blocked the restructuring of Nepal’s society that was agreed
upon* *in the 2006 Peace Accords. A young man standing right near me would
lift the burning effigy high into to air on a pole so that all could see,
and people would respond with loud, determined cheers. It is hard to convey
just how hated this man is, even by many in his own party who have
threatened to split. These events characterized the sentiments of a people
determined to win against a foreign dominated government.

*Resistance to an Unelected Regime*

Going into May, Nepal’s Maoist movement put forward a series of demands,
particularly the resignation of Prime Minister M.K. Nepal. He represents a
corrupt party called the Unified Marxist Leninists (UML), a status quo party
with Indian backing, Marxist only in name. This man, who lost two elections
and came to power through a coup d’etat, has seen to it at every turn that
the peaceful restructuring of Nepal’s society would be impossible. He has
stood in the way of the peace process by blocking the restructuring of the
Nepal Army, denying federal autonomy to Nepal’s oppressed nationalities, and
ensuring the protection of India’s interests in Nepal.

The Maoists and their supporters prepared for the possibility of
insurrection, “a final conflict” as the Maoists put it, if those demands
were not met and if the conditions for revolution were there. Nepal was
shaken as nearly a million people took to the streets in the capital city
alone, and the economy came to a grinding halt during the following general
strike. Demonstrators moved with incredible discipline and organization,
systematically shutting down the city, even in celebratory ways.

At a certain point, the general strike was called off for reasons which are
not yet clear, even on the ground here in Nepal. One Maoist mid-level cadre
explained that this move was because insurrection would not have been
possible at this moment, and that “more time is needed to prepare.” Other
speculation has appeared in the mainstream press about debates within the
Maoist party, but none of it has been substantiated.

All day and into the night of May 28th, large demonstrations surrounded the
Constituent Assembly building. This would be the last day of the Constituent
Assembly, an elected body that was created to fundamentally transform Nepali
society and write a new constitution. It would be dissolved if the Maoists
did not vote for its extension. The Maoists were clear: they would only
extend this body if the unelected Prime Minister stepped down.

On my way to the rallies, my Taxi driver (a Maoist supporter, as most of the
taxi drivers here seem to support the Maoists) told me “I am tired of this
Prime Minister and trying to talk to him. These people never listen, and I
think he is a traitor to Nepal and should be hanged.” He was relieved that
some people from the U.S. like myself want to tell the story of this
struggle.

The streets outside the Constituent Assembly filled with many different
people from all kinds of organizations. Some pro-Maoist indigenous and
Buddhist organizations were there, displaying indigenous flags modified with
red stars. They distributed pamphlets decrying M.K. Nepal as a puppet of
India and proclaiming, “Buddha was born in Nepal, not India!” They even had
a large cardboard cutout of Buddha with a sign underneath it “NOT FROM
INDIA” which got some chuckles.

The Young Communist League was present, and helped coordinate the
demonstrations with striking discipline. Groups of them stood at the gates
militantly chanting, while others sat down and locked arms at the gates of
the Constituent Assembly building.

On the inside, Hisila Yami (aka Comrade Parvati, a Maoist leader) organized
a demonstration demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister. Maoist
women stood up and disrupted the Constituent Assembly hearing with militant
chants, refusing to allow the Assembly to proceed*.*

I interviewed a young Maoist woman outside the Constituent Assembly.  She
identified as being from the Association of Unemployed People, and told me
that “Only communism can provide a solution for unemployed people in Nepal,
and we should take this peace process to its logical conclusion. This
government is increasing unemployment day by day, and won’t allow the
reforms that Baburam Bhattarai tried to make for us when he was the Finance
Minister. People should have power in our country, not a Prime Minister who
was not elected….if he does not resign, we will fight until the end, the
Constituent Assembly should not be extended without his resignation.” Many
others also crowded around to share and hear one another’s stories as we
waited with great anticipation and anxiety.

I met a leader from the Maoist party there at the demonstration, Prataj
Prawanta, who described the situation to me:

“The situation is very crucial….We have not completely left the People’s
War, this is a part of the war.  Now, the imperialist and expansionist
powers are dominating Nepal, and stopping us from going ahead. But the
people are encouraged and want to go ahead. The government always blocks the
people’s voice. Today is the last day of the Constituent Assembly…. We are
not expecting a solution from them, because they have their agenda, and we
have our agenda. We must go ahead with the people’s agenda and complete the
People’s War.”

At the last hour, M.K. Nepal, the ruling parties, and the Maoists reached a
“three-point agreement.” M.K. Nepal would resign within “five days,” the
Constituent Assembly would be extended one year, and the peace process would
be carried through. This agreement would soon be betrayed by both the UML
and Nepali Congress parties, and* *M.K. Nepal would not resign.

*“The People’s Constitution”*

The next day  Baburam Bhattarai, one of the Maoists’ top leaders, announced
a draft constitution called the “People’s Constitution.” It is to be
interpreted as a draft for debate both within the Maoist party and for the
Constituent Assembly. This would be a consciously “bourgeois democratic
constitution” in order to tactically center the debates in the Constituent
Assembly around the question of who would hold authority over the Nepal
army: the revolutionary party that was elected with the overwhelming support
of the people, or military dictators with foreign backing?

Specifically, this constitution calls for an elected executive President who
would direct the Nepal army. In the past, a military coup d’état led by
ex-General Katawal was used to prevent the Maoists from being able to
restructure the feudal, Indian-dominated state. A fundamental question in
going forward is the Maoist demand of “civilian control of the army.”
Further debates are planned within the Maoist movement over how far this
constitution should go, and whether or not it will include revolutionary New
Democratic land reform and other questions.

I went with a group of radical journalists who spoke to Gopal Chitham, a
Maoist lawyer, who had been part of the constitution drafting process. He
explained that this constitution would implement a federal republic,
bourgeois democratic in nature, but open ended in terms of future
transformations and restructuring. While mainly focusing on the “directly
elected presidential” administration of the army, it also includes points
that “guarantee fundamental economic rights,” “universal free education and
healthcare,” “guarantees 33% representation for women at all government
levels,” the right of the state to “expropriate property with no
compensation,” but without prescribing any specific land reforms at this
time. Similarly, it makes no specific verdicts on Indian domination of
Nepal, but leaves open ended the question of re-evaluating the current
insulting and unequal treaties with India.

This constitution is considered a compromise constitution and a minimum
program by the Maoists. Chitham also said, “Now that we have our own draft
of the constitution, the big debate will now come up within the Party as
regards to what kind of constitution, either through the Constituent
Assembly or by having continuing struggles….One issue is still there within
the party, there are differences of opinions in regards to the restructuring
of the state....”

It is believed by Chitham and others that even this compromise constitution
will be completely rejected by the pro-Indian UML and NC political parties.
It will be rejected by them because it raises some fundamental questions,
but particularly the question of ‘who would the army serve.’

*“A Great Betrayal”*

Then, not even twenty-four hours after the three-point agreement, M.K Nepal
announced that, actually, he would not resign. Constitutional issues
continue to be debated, while M.K. Nepal refuses to resign, and states that
he will not resign unless the Maoists dismantle the People’s Liberation Army
and the Young Communist League. The Standing Committee of the Maoists has
just completed its five-day meeting, with a statement by Prachanda,
describing M.K. Nepal’s move as “a great betrayal.” Prachanda said: “Their
[the UML and Nepali Congress parties] recent remarks against the three-point
deal have proved they are not sincere in accomplishing the historic task of
writing a new statute.” The Maoists have been boycotting meetings with the
other parties, and planning a new wave of actions.

Things are complex, tumultuous, and it is unclear what will happen. This
regime is verging on a complete legitimacy crisis, and outpourings of
rebellion or even revolution may lie just around the corner. Much awaits to
be seen.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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