James Petras wrote the following things as early as in 1998 in an
essay "Identity Politics and Democratic Concept"; he has elaborated on
the tendency of the so called Post-Marxists' denial of classes and
class struggle . In order to lend legitimacy to the neo-liberal
political and social structures, class-collaborative answers are often
offered as solution for problems of social transformation; for this, a
politics defined and dictated solely by identities is put in place to
discredit class struggle as obsolete:-

"..In “post-industrial” society, some post-Marxists argue, the source
of power is in the new information systems, the new technologies and
those who manage and control them. Society, according to this view, is
evolving toward a new society in which industrial workers are
disappearing in two directions: upward into the “new middle class” of
high technology and downward into the marginal “underclass”.

Marxists have never denied the importance of racial, gender and ethnic
divisions within classes. What they have emphasised, however, is the
wider social system which generates these differences and the need to
join class forces to eliminate these inequalities at every point:
work, neighborhood, family. What most Marxists object to is the idea
that gender and race inequalities can and should be analysed and
solved outside of the class framework: that landowner women with
servants and wealth have an essential “identity” with the peasant
women who are employed at starvation wages; that Indian bureaucrats of
neo-liberal governments have a common “identity” with peasant Indians
who are displaced from their land by the free market economic
policies. For example, Bolivia has an Indian vice-president presiding
over the mass arrest of cocoa-growing Indian farmers.

Identity politics in the sense of consciousness of a particular form
of oppression by an immediate group can be an appropriate point of
departure. This understanding, however, will become an “identity&148;
prison (race or gender) isolated from other exploited social groups
unless it transcends the immediate points of oppression and confronts
the social system in which it is embedded. And that requires a broader
class analysis of the structure of social power which presides over
and defines the conditions of general and specific inequalities.

The essentialism of identity politics isolates groups into competing
groups unable to transcend the politico-economic universe that defines
and confines the poor, workers, peasants, employees. Class politics is
the terrain within which to confront “identity politics” and to
transform the institutions that sustain class and other inequalities.

Classes do not come into being by subjective fiat: they are organised
by the capitalist class to appropriate value. Hence, the notion that
class is a subjective notion, dependent on time, place and perception
confuses class and class consciousness. While the former has objective
status, the latter is conditioned by social and cultural factors.
Class consciousness is a social construct which, however, does not
make it less “real” and important in history. While the social forms
and expressions of class consciousness vary, it is a recurring
phenomenon throughout history and most of the world, even as it is
overshadowed by other forms of consciousness at different moments
(that is, race, gender, national) or combined with them (nationalism
and class consciousness).

It is obvious that there are major changes in the class structure, but
not in the direction that the post-Marxists point to. The major
changes have reinforced class differences and class exploitation, even
as the nature and conditions of the exploited and exploiter classes
has changed. There are more temporary wage workers today than in the
past. There are many more workers employed in unregulated labour
markets (the so-called informal sector today) than in the past. The
issue of unregulated exploitation does not describe a system that
“transcends” past capitalism: it is the return to nineteenth century
forms of labour exploitation. What requires new analysis is capitalism
after the welfare populist state has been demolished. This means that
the complex roles of states and parties which mediated between capital
and labour have been replaced by state institutions more clearly and
directly linked to the dominant capitalist class. Neo-liberalism is
unmediated ruling class state power. Whatever the “multiple
determinants” of state and regime behavior in the recent past, today
the neo-liberal model of accumulation depends most directly on
centralised state control horizontally linked to the international
banks to implement debt payments and to export sectors to earn foreign
exchange. Its vertical ties to the citizen as subject and the primary
link is through a repressive state apparatus and para-statal “NGOs”
who defuse social explosions..."

"..Intellectually, the post-Marxists are the intellectual policemen
who define acceptable research, distribute research funds and filter
out topics and perspectives that project class analysis and struggle
perspectives. Marxists are excluded from the conferences and
stigmatised as “ideologists” , while post-Marxists present themselves
as “social scientists”. The control of intellectual fashion,
publications, conferences and research funds provide the post-Marxists
with an important power basebut one ultimately dependent on avoiding
conflict with their external funding patrons

The critical Marxist intellectuals have their strength in the fact
that their ideas resonate with the evolving social realities. The
polarisation of classes and the violent confrontations are growing, as
their theories predict. It is in this sense that the Marxists are
tactically weak and strategically strong vis-a-vis the post-
Marxists.."


"..There are more Latin American billionaires with the bulk of their
funds in us and European banks than ever before. Meanwhile, entire
provinces have become industrial cemeteries and the countryside is
depopulated. The us has more military advisers, drug officials and
federal police directing Latin American “policing” than ever before in
history. Yet we are told by some former Sandinistas and ex-
Farabundistas that anti-imperialism/imperialism disappeared with the
end of the Cold War. The problem, we are told, is not foreign
investments or foreign aid but their absence and they ask for more
imperial aid.."



".. Intellectually, the post-Marxists are the intellectual policemen
who define acceptable research, distribute research funds and filter
out topics and perspectives that project class analysis and struggle
perspectives. Marxists are excluded from the conferences and
stigmatised as “ideologists” , while post-Marxists present themselves
as “social scientists”. The control of intellectual fashion,
publications, conferences and research funds provide the post-Marxists
with an important power basebut one ultimately dependent on avoiding
conflict with their external funding patrons.

The critical Marxist intellectuals have their strength in the fact
that their ideas resonate with the evolving social realities. The
polarisation of classes and the violent confrontations are growing, as
their theories predict. It is in this sense that the Marxists are
tactically weak and strategically strong vis-a-vis the post-
Marxists.."

"..The structure and nature of NGOs with their “apolitical” posture
and their focus on self-help depoliticises and demobilises the poor.
They reinforce the electoral processes encouraged by the neo-liberal
parties and mass media. Political education about the nature of
imperialism, the class basis of neo-liberalism, like class struggle
between exporters and temporary workers are avoided. Instead the NGOs
discuss “the excluded”, the “powerless”, “extreme poverty”, “gender or
racial discrimination” without moving beyond the superficial symptom,
to engaging the social system that produces these conditions.
Incorporating the poor into the neo-liberal economy through purely
“private voluntary action”, the NGOs create a political world where
the appearance of solidarity and social action cloaks a conservative
conformity with the international and national structure of power.

It is no coincidence that as NGOs have become dominant in certain
regions, independent class political action has declined, and neo-
liberalism goes uncontested. The bottom line is that the growth of
NGOs coincides with increased funding from neo-liberalism and the
deepening of poverty everywhere. Despite its claims of many local
successes, the overall power of neo-liberalism stands unchallenged and
the NGOs increasingly search for niches in the interstices of power."

On Jul 24, 12:12 pm, sunil kumar <[email protected]> wrote:
> Just a reminder about the seminar on idntity politic and Democracy
>
> Dear friends,
> Please go through the detailed programme notice attatched.
>
> Sunilkumar
>
>
>
> > Welcome all
>
> > Seminar
>
> >  Identity Politics and Democratic Concept
>
> > Organized by
>
> > Nava Janadhipathya Prasthanam (NDM)
>
> > 25th July (Sunday), 1.30 pm onwards
>
> > Venue:  Public Library Hall, Kottayam
>
> >  Speakers:
>
> > Dr. Geevarghese Mar Kurilose,
>
> > Prof. T M Yesudasan,
>
> > K. K. Kochu,
>
> > J. Reghu,
>
> > K. P. Sethunath,
>
> > K. Ambujakshan,
>
> > Dr. Shamshad Husain,
>
> > Reshma Bharadwaj,
>
> > Sunny M Kapikkad,
>
> > Dileep raj,
>
> > Dr. T. V. Sajeev
>
> > Rekha raj,
>
> > K. K. Baburaj,
>
> > K. Asharaf.
>
> > Programme notice attatched
>
> > K. Sunilkumar,
>
> > Convenor,
>
> > Nava Janadhipatya Prasthanam
>
> > mob: 9847072664
>
> > For CSSC
> > Shibi/Justin
> > --
> > Centre for Social Studies and Culture (CSSC)
> > C/o Prof. TM Yesudasan
> > Thaiparambil
> > Sachivothamapuram PO
> > Kottayam- 686532
> > Ph. 0481 2430597
> > Mob. 9446201659, 8089520220
> > Email- [email protected]
>
> > --
> > 0091 9746339846
>
> > --
> > You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups
> > "Green Youth Movement" group.
> > To post to this group, send an email to [email protected].
> > To unsubscribe from this group, send email to
> > [email protected]<greenyouth%[email protected]>
> > .
> > For more options, visit this group at
> >http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB.
>
>
>
>  notice.pdf
> 63KViewDownload

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