Com Achuthanandan will not be interested in knowing these facts, but i am
sure many will. Farida


*Indian CP's anathema towards Muslims, subalterns*

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by Sankar Ray

Octogenarian leader of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Kanak
Mukherjee, (She joined the undivided Communist Party of India in 1937 when
she was Kanak Dasgupta), a former Rajya Sabha member, was reminiscing the
extremely difficult days of communist movement in colonial India at the 99th
birth anniversary meting of Abdul Halim on 6 December,2000.That was
coincidentally the eighth anniversary of demolition of *Babri Masjid* of
Ayodhya, one of the last treasure-pieces of the Sharqi School of
Architecture. The demolition marked a high point in the ascendancy of
majority communalism (structured on high caste Hindu nationalism) that the
first Indian Prime Minister and one of the three founders of Non-Aligned
Movement, Jawaharlal Nehru, warned as the causative factor of Fascism of
Indian variety.

Mukherjee was a member of Parliament, a former central committee member of
CPI(M) and founder-president of the All India Democratic Women’s
Association. She knew Halim from the late 1930s when the nascent CPI had to
fight a grim battle of survival – the party having been illegal – and the
members comprise something like a well-knit large family. Her husband, the
late Saroj Mukherjee became a member of CPI in 1932 and later became a polit
bureau member of CPI(M). Small wonder, being one of the first few woman
communists in Bengal, she had obviously a deep attachment towards Halim ,one
of the three founder-organisers of CPI in its formative period. “Eventually,
the early propagators of communist ideas were mostly Muslims. They used to
say that they gravitated towards communism not through classics like
Communist Manifesto but were inspired by the principles of Islam," she said
at Halim’s birth anniversary meeting. Maybe, the advent of Muslim League and
the Hindu Mahasabha - both helped the British colonial rulers apply
effectively their *divide-and-rule tactics* - prevented the process of
gravitation of Muslims to the national freedom and communist movement.

Halim apart, the other founders of CPI in Bengal were Muzaffar Ahmed and
Abdur Rezzak Khan. But never in the history of CPI or CPI (M) did any Muslim
become general secretary of CPI. While Dr Z A Ahmed became a central
secretariat member of the CPI, CPI (M) did never have any Muslim in the
polit bureau. Although neither of the two Indian CPs is communal - rather
absolutely secular - Muslim leaders had never occupied key party posts in
them.

*Frontline* is a pro-CPI (M) and progressive fortnightly. Nobody doubts its
commitment to leftism, secularism and democracy, especially it's editor, N
Ram's. But even this newspaper often expresses its affinity towards elite
communists caste-Hindu leaders of CPI (M). For instance, its editorial on
Jyoti Basu, "The Jyoti Basu difference and legacy" (Nov 24,2000), did not
name a single Muslim among outstanding communists. It mentioned BT Ranadive,
EMS Namboodiripad, M Basavapunnaiah, P Sundarayya, Promode Dasgupta and
Harekrishna Konar as ideological and or/organisational stalwarts in Indian
communist movement but censored Abdul Halim, leave alone Muzaffar Ahmed.
There is none from the lower caste Hindu or Muslims either. Saroj Mukherjee
after the death of Somnath Lahiri wrote in an article in the CPI Bengali
morninger, *Kalantar*, that without the organisational talent of three,
Halim, Dr Ranen Sen (joined CPI in 1930 and the oldest living communist
today) and Lahiri, communist party could not grow in Bengal in the 1930s
defying colonial repression and intimidation. There is no mention of
Abdullah Rasool of All India Kisan Sabha, a more prominent peasant organiser
than Konar, or Mohammad Ismail, a legendary communist and a talented labour
leader. When Jyoti Basu started working among railway man under Bengal Assam
Railway Workers Union, Ismail was its president and main organiser in 1940.

This scribe sent a rejoinder to the *Frontline* editor, pointing out that,
“while talking of party-building, it is very strange how you missed Krishna
Pillai, Abdul Halim, C Rajeswar Rao,Abdul Momin, Z A Ahmed and Bankim
Mukherjee. There was a time when CPI in the 1930s used to be called in
political circles as Bankim Mukherjee's party. In peasant organisation, P
Krishna Pillai, CR, PS, Ahmed and Mukherjee (a very talented TU leader too,
although factionalism in the undivided CPI was so dominant that he could be
a member of national council of CPI only a few months before he died)". Its
deputy editor e-mailed a reply suggesting that I send a shorter version. I
had sent it, but it was not carried. Ram, one of the members of the first
cohort of the Student Federation of India, a mass front of CPI (M), often
writes against suppression of freedom of press and howls against social
injustice, but it cannot be said that he has always the courage to admit
criticism from others.

Not only Muslims, many dedicated communists who came from lower strata of
the Indian multistructural society remain unnoticed, Krishna Pillai, T V
Thomas of Kerala or Rebati Burman ( a brilliant scholar and economist) and
Gajen Mali of undivided Bengal are not remembered any more. In building the
CPI in Travancore and Cochin (together comprising the state of Kerala
today), Krishna Pillai took a more prominent role than EMS Namboodiripad who
was the last general secretary of undivided CPI and of the CPI(M) in the
mid-1070s, 1980s and first half of the 1990s. Krishna Pillai died of snake
bite. Thomas ( husband of K R Gowry, a firebrand CPI(M) leader of Kerala in
the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s but who left the party in disgust) was the finest
labour minister in the state). His role in helping the striking workers of
Ganesh Beedi Company form a cooperative that makes Dinesh brand Beedi is a
glorious act. "Women who worked there are in demand for negotiated
marriage", told D Thankappan, director, Centre for Workers' Management, New
Delhi, at a meeting of activists of Nagarik Mancha , Kolkata-based voluntary
social action forum devoted to the workers, affected by industrial sickness
and occupational hazards a few years back. Burman who died prematurely of
leprosy , virtually due to lack of proper treatment, had collaborated with
Rajani Palme Dutt, the famous ideologue of the Communist Party of Great
Britain for half a century from the 1920s, in drafting the historic
memorandum of Bengal unit of All India Kisan Sabha to the Floud Commission.
Mali was a valiant activist of Kakdwip offensive in the historic Tebhaga
movement and used to be named along with Kangsari Halder, the legendary hero
of the movement. Bengali poet, Ram Basu, wrote a unique poem on Gajen Mali.
Mali belonged to the subalterns.

This elitist stance is a post-1964 phenomenon. Elite communists and their
fellow-travelers - mostly white-collar employees - tend to distort the
history of communist movement in India as if the communist movement in India
started really with the birth of CPI (M) in October 1964. It is a pity to
note that there is nobody among the elite radicals in the media to tell us
about Abdur Rezzak Khan, Abdul Momin, Ajoy Ghosh, P C Joshi,Dr G
Adhikari,Teja Singh Swatantra, Sohan Singh Josh, Bhowani Sen, S V Ghate (the
first general secretary of CPI), Z A Ahmed, Bankim Mukherjee, Maulana,Ishaq
Sambhali, Jharkhande Rai, Sarju Pande, and other sterling leaders. Momin and
Mukherjee, along with Halim, led the jute workers' strike in 1929 and the
historic carters' in 1930. History of trade union movement and its left
orientation cannot be written without reference to Mukherjee, Halim and
Momin. Can we forget Ibrahim Khan, the leader of North Western Frontier
Railwaymen from Lahore to Karachi in colonial India? Amir Haider Khan of
Meerut had been the earliest communist organiser after Singaravelu Chettiar,
the first president of CPI (1925). Sundarayya, Basavapunnaiah and C
Rajeswara Rao joined the party later. Both the Indian CPs have practically
forgotten Khan. In Andhra Pradesh, CPI has at least honoured Makhdoom
Mahiuddin, the Telengana hero by naming its state council-owned house.
Makhdoom wrote two lyrics of two often-sung songs by the Indian Peoples'
Theatre Association - 'Yeh waqt ki awaaz hain milke chalo" ( Time beckons us
to walk together) and Yeh jung hain jung hain azadi/ Azadi key parchamke
taley ( this war is a war of freedom/ Under the banner of freedom). Marxists
who specialise in philosophy are to judge whether this elitist trend
reflects the uncontrolled growth of petty-bourgeois revolutionism.

Dr Z A Ahmed wrote a monograph, *Agrarian Problem in India*,64 years ago. It
was brought out by the Indian National Congress when Dr Ahmed was a member
of Congress. It was the first of a series of study material under INC's
Political and Economic Studies. Very few scholars in economic history and
agricultural economics are aware of this 45-page pace-setting economic
survey and analysis. Now if someone says that Konar or Benoy Choudhuri were
better theoreticians on peasant question, one will only prove one's pompous
ignorance.

*Frontline* wrote that EMS Namboodiripad, BT Ranadive, and M Basavapunnaiah
were "exponents and developers of Marxist theory". This is not true. They
were good theoreticians but made no contribution at all. Truly speaking, the
it was only Ajoy Ghosh who made some notable theoretical contribution. Even
before the 20th Congress of the now-defunct Communist Party of Soviet Union
( where the central committee of CPSU talked of the new bourgeoisie in the
newly-independent countries, taking a position against the imperialism),
Ghosh wrote an innovative piece on the Indian bourgeoisie in CPI's monthly
organ, *New Age*. Dr Ranen Sen, described Ghosh - in a conversation with
this scribe - "as the most outstanding-ever theoretician among party leaders
and the best-ever general secretary of CPI". When Modeste Rubinstein in an
article in *New Times* said that Nehru government was pursuing
non-capitalist path of development, Ghosh wrote a rejoinder against it in
the CPI monthly. Nonetheless, the Soviet communist leaders held him in high
esteem. Boris Ponomarev, ideologue and alternate polit bureau member of the
now defunct CPSU characterised Ghosh as one of the "sterling leaders"
produced by the Communist International alongside Ho-chi Minh, Rajani Palme
Dutt and the alike. No other Indian communist was in the Ponomarev list.
Ghosh too took an ideological position in his warning against the rise of
communalism in 1939, the Hindu communalism in the main, when he was 30 and a
PB member of CPI.

Petty bourgeois revolutionism rules the roost in India today. Disdainful
attitude towards the subalterns, Muslims and those that embraced hardship
for propagating communist revolutionary ideas is a fall-out of obsession
with petty bourgeois leftism. There were elitist and opportunist elements in
Muslims too. They infiltrated into the undivided CPI in the 1930s too. But
there were leaders like Amir Haider Khan, Abdul Momin, Abdul Halim and of
course, Muzaffar Ahmed and Abdur Rezzak Khan comprising a galaxy of
firebrand and uncompromising revolutionaries. To forget them is to commit a
treachery.
*Mr. Sankar Ray contributed above article to Media Monitors Network
(MMN)<http://www.mediamonitors.net/>from Calcutta, India.
***

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