Happy As A Hangman

*By Chris Hedges*

07 December, 2010
*TruthDig.com*<http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/happy_as_a_hangman_20101206/>

Innocence, as defined by law, makes us complicit with the crimes of the
state. To do nothing, to be judged by the state as an innocent, is to be
guilty. It is to sanction, through passivity and obedience, the array of
crimes carried out by the state.

To be innocent in America means we passively permit offshore penal colonies
where we torture human beings, some of whom are children. To be innocent in
America is to acquiesce to the relentless corporate destruction of the
ecosystem that sustains the human species. To be innocent in America is to
permit the continued theft of hundreds of billions of dollars from the state
by Wall Street swindlers and speculators. To be innocent in America is to
stand by as insurance and pharmaceutical companies, in the name of profit,
condemn ill people, including children, to die. To be innocent in America is
refusing to resist wars in Iraq and Afghanistan that are not only illegal
under international law but responsible for the murder of hundreds of
thousands of people. This is the odd age we live in. Innocence is
complicity.

The steady impoverishment and misery inflicted by the corporate state on the
working class and increasingly the middle class has a terrible logic. It
consolidates corporate centers of power. It weakens us morally and
politically. The fraud and violence committed by the corporate state become
secondary as we scramble to feed our families, find a job and pay our bills
and mortgages. Those who cling to insecure, poorly paid jobs and who
struggle with crippling credit card debt, those who are mired in long-term
unemployment and who know that huge medical bills would bankrupt them, those
who owe more on their houses than they are worth and who fear the future,
become frightened and timid. They seek only to survive. They accept the
pathetic scraps tossed to them by the corporate elite. The internal and
external corporate abuse accelerates as we become every day more pliant.

Our corrupt legal system, perverting the concept that “all men are created
equal,” has radically redefined civic society. Citizens, regardless of their
status or misfortune, are now treated with the same studied indifference by
the state. They have been transformed from citizens to commodities whose
worth is determined solely by the market and whose value is measured by
their social and economic functions. The rich, therefore, are rewarded by
the state with tax cuts because they are rich. It is their function to
monopolize wealth and invest. The poor are supposed to be poor. The poor
should not be a drain on the resources of the state or the oligarchic elite.
Equality, in this new legal paradigm, means we are all treated alike, no
matter what our circumstances. This new interpretation of equality, under
which the poor are abandoned and the powerful are unchecked, has demolished
the system of regulations, legal restraints and services that once protected
the underclass from wealthy and corporate predators.

The creation of a permanent, insecure and frightened underclass is the most
effective weapon to thwart rebellion and resistance as our economy worsens.
Huge pools of unemployed and underemployed blunt labor organizing, since any
job, no matter how menial, is zealously coveted. As state and federal social
welfare programs, especially in education, are gutted, we create a wider and
wider gulf between the resources available to the tiny elite and the
deprivation and suffering visited on our permanent underclass. Access to
education, for example, is now largely defined by class. The middle class,
taking on huge debt, desperately flees to private institutions to make sure
their children have a chance to enter the managerial ranks of the corporate
elite. And this is the idea. Public education, which, when it functions,
gives opportunities to all citizens, hinders a system of corporate
neofeudalism. Corporations are advancing, with Barack Obama’s assistance,
charter schools and educational services that are stripped down and designed
to train classes for their appropriate vocations, which, if you’re poor
means a future in the service sector. The eradication of teachers’ unions,
under way in states such as New Jersey, is a vital component in the
dismantling of public education. Corporations know that good systems of
public education are a hindrance to a rigid caste system. In corporate
America everyone will be kept in his or her place.

The beating down of workers, exacerbated by the prospect that unemployment
benefits will not be renewed for millions of Americans and that public
sector unions will soon be broken, has transformed those in the working
class from full members of society, able to participate in its debates, the
economy and governance, into terrified people in fragmented pools
preoccupied with the struggle of private existence. Those who are
economically broken usually cease to be concerned with civic virtues. They
will, history has demonstrated, serve any system, no matter how evil, and do
anything for a salary, job security and the protection of their families.

There will be sectors of the society that, as the situation worsens, attempt
to rebel. But the state can rely on a huge number of people who, for work
and meager benefits, will transform themselves into willing executioners.
The reconfiguration of American society into a corporate oligarchy is
conditioning tens of millions not only to passively accept state and
corporate crimes, but to actively participate in the mechanisms that ensure
their own enslavement.

“Each time society, through unemployment, frustrates the small man in his
normal functioning and normal self-respect,” Hannah Arendt wrote in her 1945
essay “Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility,” “it trains him for
that last stage in which he will willingly undertake any function, even that
of hangman.”

Organs of state repression do not rely so much on fanatics and sadists as
ordinary citizens who are desperate, who need a job, who are willing to
obey. Arendt relates a story of a Jew who is released from Buchenwald. The
freed Jew encountered, among the SS men who gave him certificates of
release, a former schoolmate, whom he did not address but stared at. The SS
guard spontaneously explained to his former friend: “You must understand, I
have five years of unemployment behind me. They can do anything they want
with me.”

Arendt also quotes an interview with a camp official at Majdanek. The camp
official concedes that he has assisted in the gassing and burying of people
alive. But when he is asked, “Do you know the Russians will hang you?” he
bursts into tears. “Why should they? What have I done?” he says.

I can imagine, should the rule of law ever one day be applied to the
insurance companies responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of
Americans denied medical care, that there will be the same confused response
from insurance executives. What is frightening in collapsing societies is
not only the killers, sadists, murderers and psychopaths who rise up out of
the moral swamp to take power, but the huge numbers of ordinary people who
become complicit in state crimes. I saw this during the war in El Salvador
and the war in Bosnia. It is easy to understand a demented enemy. It is
puzzling to understand a rational and normal one. True evil, as Goethe
understood, is not always palpable. It is “to render invisible another human
consciousness.”

Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his book “The Gulag Archipelago” writes about a
close friend who served with him in World War II. Solzhenitsyn’s defiance of
the Communist regime after the war saw him sent to the Soviet gulags. His
friend, loyal to the state, was sent there as an interrogator. Solzhenitsyn
was forced to articulate a painful truth. The mass of those who serve
systems of terrible oppression and state crime are not evil. They are weak.

“If only there were vile people ... committing evil deeds, and if it were
only necessary to separate them from the rest of us and destroy them,”
Solzhenitsyn wrote. “But the line dividing good and evil cuts through the
heart of every human being. And who is willing to destroy a piece of his own
heart?”

The expansions of public and private organs of state security, from Homeland
Security to the mercenary forces we are building in Iraq and Afghanistan, to
the burgeoning internal intelligence organizations, exist because these
“ordinary” citizens, many of whom are caring fathers and mothers, husbands
and wives, sons and daughters, have confused conformity to the state with
innocence. Family values are used, especially by the Christian right, as the
exclusive definition of public morality. Politicians, including President
Obama, who betray the working class, wage doomed imperial wars, abandon
families to home foreclosures and bank repossessions, and refuse to restore
habeas corpus, are morally “good” because they are loyal husbands and
fathers. Infidelity, instead of corporate murder, becomes in this absurd
moral reasoning the highest and most unforgivable offense.

The bureaucrats who maintain these repressive state organs, who prosecute
the illegal wars in Iraq and Afghanistan or who maintain corporate
structures that perpetuate human suffering, can define themselves as good—as
innocent—as long as they are seen as traditional family men and women who
are compliant to the laws of the state. And this redefinition of civic
engagement permits us to suspend moral judgment and finally common sense. Do
your job. Do not ask questions. Do not think. If these bureaucrats were
challenged for the crimes they are complicit in committing, including the
steady dismantling of the democratic state, they would react with the same
disbelief as the camp guard at Majdanek.

Those who serve as functionaries within corporations such as Goldman Sachs
or ExxonMobil and carry out crimes ask of their masters that they be
exempted from personal responsibility for the acts they commit. They serve
corporate structures that kill, but, as Arendt notes, the corporate employee
“does not regard himself as a murderer because he has not done it out of
inclination but in his professional capacity.” At home the corporate man or
woman is meek. He or she has no proclivity to violence, although the
corporate systems they serve by day pollute, impoverish, maim and kill.

Those who do not carry out acts of rebellion, no matter how small or
seemingly insignificant, are guilty of solidifying and perpetuating these
crimes. Those who do not act delude themselves into believing they are
innocent. They are not.

*Chris Hedges *is a senior fellow at The Nation Institute and a weekly
columnist for Truthdig. His newest book is "Death of the Liberal Class." On
Dec. 16 he, Daniel Ellsberg, Medea Benjamin, Ray McGovern, Dr. Margaret
Flowers and several others will hold a rally across from the White House to
protest the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and attempt to chain themselves to
the White House fence. More information on the Dec. 16 protest can be found
at *www.stopthesewars.org* <http://www.stopthesewars.org/>.

Copyright © 2010 Truthdig, L.L.C.





-- 


You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a
nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the
foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
-AMBEDKAR



http://venukm.blogspot.com

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