http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-choice-the-bottomline/1184529/0

INDIANEXPRESS

19OCT2013
The choice, the bottomline

Javed Anand <http://www.indianexpress.com/columnist/javedanand/> : Sat Oct
19 2013, 03:22 hrs


To the BJP's glee, Maulana Mahmood Madani has lashed out at the Congress
for the second time in as many months. His latest lambasting is aimed at
not only the all-India Congress, but all other "self-proclaimed" secular
parties. While the Congress remains the prime target, he has challenged all
of them to stop wooing Indian Muslims with a "negative agenda". His
refrain: Stop scaring Muslims with the Modi bogey — "Aa jayega, kha
jayega"! Secular parties must come out with a positive agenda, account for
the yawning gap between words and deeds, promises and delivery, to a
community that continues to be discriminated against, remains vulnerable to
recurring assaults on life, limb and liberty.

This, of course, is music to BJP ears. Its jubilant spokespersons have been
quick to boast that "educated Muslims" can, at last, see through the
secular charade. The Congress, it is now claimed, is the "most communal
party".

Who is Mahmood Madani? He is the chief of one faction of the Jamiat
Ulema-e-Hind (JUH), an organisation restricted to the products of the
Deoband madrassa. His paternal uncle, Maulana Arshad Madani, heads the
rival faction. Both claim to be leaders of the "real" Jamiat. What is the
political reach of either or both among Indian Muslims? Anyone who knows
anything about Muslim politics will tell you that outside a few
Muslim-predominant pockets of Assam or a city like Malegaon, either of the
factions would find it difficult to ensure the victory of their candidate
even in a civic election. Not surprisingly, the politically ambitious
Mahmood Madani wisely chooses to stay away from the electoral arena,
content to negotiate a seat for himself in the Rajya Sabha from this party
or that.

Yet there is no denying that his outburst articulates growing countrywide
Muslim frustration, disillusionment and anger against most secular parties,
especially the Congress. In 2006, the UPA government declared its
acceptance in toto of the recommendations of the Sachar committee, aimed at
correcting the prevalent institutionalised discrimination against Muslims
and promoting equal opportunity to all citizens. But its performance in the
last seven years has been so pathetic that even a member of the Planning
Commission, Abhijit Sen, was constrained to remark recently that it would
be better to scrap the Union ministry for minority affairs. Before the 2004
Lok Sabha polls, the UPA constituents had promised a new law for the
prevention of, and punishment for, communal violence, which would also
include a comprehensive scheme for rehabilitation and reparation for the
victims of targeted violence. Nine years later, a bill is yet to even be
introduced in Parliament. Meanwhile, there is no indication, even in
Congress- or Samajwadi Party-ruled states, of a policy to ensure
professional and impartial conduct on the part of security agencies tasked
with handling terror cases.

If election time is the only time accumulating Muslim grievances are even
heard by secular parties, what better time to make demands, shout and
scream? So why feign injury over Madani's remarks? The winter session of
Parliament is still ahead, there is time still for the errant secular
parties to make amends. The tabling in the Rajya Sabha of a bill that makes
state actors — police officers, civil servants, ministers — directly
responsible for preventing violence and enforcing the rule of law and
accountable for their acts of omission and commission, for example, would
be one step forward. If political parties can form an unholy nexus to
protect the corrupt and the criminals among them, why is it so difficult
for them to agree on a law that delivers on a constitutional promise made
to all citizens at the birth of the Republic: non-discrimination between
citizens, equality before law, equal protection of law?

What will Muslims do if the self-proclaimed custodians of secularism remain
reluctant to mend their ways? Maulana Madani has chosen to stay silent on
this. But here's a simple answer that Maqbool Alam, a septuagenarian from a
Muslim mohalla in Mumbai, offered at a meeting of social activists last
week: "In places where Muslims are in a tiny minority, they may vote for
the BJP or the Shiv Sena out of fear. Otherwise, there is no question of
their voting for Modi."

Here is the bottomline. For Muslims, as for all Indians who subscribe to
the idea of a secular, plural India, the choice in the upcoming Lok Sabha
elections will be stark: the mascot of the RSS/ VHP/ Bajrang Dal vs the
rest. Put differently, irrespective of the motive, a vote for any BJP
candidate will be a vote for the Sangh Parivar's "Hindu nationalist",
"Hindu Rashtra" agenda.

Ask yourself a few questions: which organisations still remain
ideologically committed to the revered Guru Golwalkar's vision of treating
religious minorities as second-class citizens? Which organisations have
worked overtime in the last three decades to turn Muslims (and Christians)
into hate objects, poisoning Hindu minds, attuning millions to the idea
that "Muslims must be taught a lesson"? Which organisations are still so
proud of pracharak Modi having turned Gujarat into "the first successful
laboratory of Hindutva"? Who can guarantee there are no more "laboratories"
on Modi's and his parivar's agenda hiding behind the development chant?
Which organisations are quick to denounce every half-hearted attempt at
redressing legitimate grievances as "Muslim appeasement"? Which
organisations even today are keeping the communal pot on the boil with
their malicious "love jihad" propaganda? If you know the answer to these
questions, you'll know what Muslims will do in the Lok Sabha polls.

*The writer is general secretary, Muslims for Secular Democracy, and
co-editor, 'Communalism Combat'*

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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