[A three-judge Supreme Court bench examining the issue has directed
the Union and State governments no to make Aadhaar mandatory - "no
person shall be deprived of any service for want of Aadhaar number in
case he/ she is otherwise eligible/entitled" - till the final verdict
(expected by med/late-July?).

***"(T)here is a world of difference between a voluntary Aadhaar and a
compulsory Aadhaar. Providing Indian residents with a convenient way
of identifying themselves would certainly be doing a great service to
millions of people who lack adequate identity documents. But imposing
Aadhaar as an all-purpose identity proof is a very different idea."***
That's the very gist of Jean Dreze's compellingly argued position below.

In the process, ***he lists out four reasons - (i) the looming menace
of a prying state, the Big Brother watching; (ii) the absence of any
legal framework and, in particular, that of any privacy law; (iii)
inadequacy of the technology; and (iv) may yet take years and years to
attain universal coverage*** - why it is so.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/unique-identity-dilemma/

OPINION
THURSDAY, MAR 19, 2015

Unique identity dilemma

All MGNREGA workers without a UID are supposed to be 'escorted' (sic)
to enrolment centres, and after that to the bank so that their Aadhaar
number can be seeded into their account. It is impossible to do this
by March 31

Written by Jean Dreze | Updated: March 19, 2015 6:05 am

It is easy to see why the Unique Identity (UID) project, also known as
Aadhaar, has caught the imagination of many administrators, economists
and policymakers. Identity verification is a routine problem in India
and Aadhaar sounds like a foolproof solution. The idea is really smart
and the technology is cutting-edge. After the initial hurdle of
universal enrolment, numerous applications are possible: monitoring
the attendance of government employees, linking multiple databases,
fighting tax evasion, facilitating the portability of social benefits
and much more. When ace promoter Nandan Nilekani was appointed to lead
the project, the happy fate of Aadhaar appeared to be sealed.

And yet, Nilekani's sales pitch left one question unanswered: is
Aadhaar voluntary or compulsory? The initial claim was that Aadhaar
was a voluntary facility. Indeed, this is how the sceptics (like
business guru Jaithirth Rao, a committed libertarian) were swayed. Yet
this claim was clearly hollow: how could Nilekani, or the Unique
Identity Authority of India (UIDAI), assure us that Aadhaar was
voluntary when they had no control over its applications? The UIDAI's
real position was: "we provide the number, it is up to the government
to decide what to do with it".

This raised the possibility that Aadhaar would become mandatory for
the purpose of various social programmes such as the MGNREGA and the
public distribution system. Indeed, it quickly became clear that the
Central government was keen to impose Aadhaar on a whole series of
schemes -- almost anything that involved identify verification. That
suited the UIDAI very well, since it led people to rush to Aadhaar
enrolment centres. But the UIDAI's claim that Aadhaar was a voluntary
facility posed a problem -- how would enrolment be fast-tracked? The
government's imposition of UID as an eligibility condition for social
benefits provided a neat answer.

And so, a tacit understanding quickly emerged that while Aadhaar was
voluntary in principle, it was due to become essential for anyone who
wanted to function -- get a driving licence, transfer property, have a
civil marriage or just get paid as a MGNREGA worker. In short, frankly
speaking, it was compulsory.

This should have called for a reassessment of the whole project
because there is a world of difference between a voluntary Aadhaar and
a compulsory Aadhaar. Providing Indian residents with a convenient way
of identifying themselves would certainly be doing a great service to
millions of people who lack adequate identity documents. But imposing
Aadhaar as an all-purpose identity proof is a very different idea. It
carries at least four dangers.

First, Aadhaar creates a vast infrastructure of social control that
could be misused. This may sound like paranoia -- after all, India is a
democracy of sorts. Yet it is a democracy where abuse of state power,
from petty harassment all the way to torture, are a harsh reality for
large sections of the population. In any case, principled resistance
to the growth of state power is important for the healthy survival of
democracy everywhere.

Second, the entire project is being rolled out without any legal
framework. While Aadhaar is effectively being made compulsory, no law
defines or protects the rights of the subjects of this compulsion.
Further, in the absence of any privacy laws worth the name, people
have no protection against possible abuse of the data they part with --
including biometrics -- at the time of UID enrolment. Privacy is not
only an important liberty in its own right, it is also essential for
the exercise of other liberties, such as the freedom to dissent.

Third, Aadhaar is not always an appropriate technology. Even in the
best circumstances, it is not foolproof. In areas with weak
infrastructure (for example, poor connectivity or power supply), it
can cause havoc. Indeed, Aadhaar requires four imperfect technologies
to work together: biometrics, computers, mobiles and the internet.
Even a small risk of one of them being out of order can lead to
considerable hardship for users.

Finally, the coverage of Aadhaar is still far from complete, and it
could take years to become universal. Enrolment agencies, paid on
piece rates, have drained the more accessible ponds, but those who
fell through the net will be harder to catch. Even if enrolment
centres are created, say, in every block, some people may find it
difficult to get there and meet the requirements. As a recent World
Bank report notes, identification systems can easily turn into a
source of social exclusion.
Confronted with evidence of UID compulsion, the Supreme Court took a
strong stand on this in two successive orders, dated September 2013
and March 2014. The latter clearly states that "no person shall be
deprived of any service for want of Aadhaar number in case he/ she is
otherwise eligible/ entitled". This order has far-reaching
implications since it effectively bans most compulsory applications of
UID (with important exceptions, for instance, monitoring office
attendance).

Interestingly, however, there is no sign of the government having
taken any notice of these orders. On the contrary, the UID drive
continues as more and more compulsory applications of Aadhaar are
being forced on the public.

The Central government's latest move is to make UID mandatory for all
MGNREGA wage payments in 300 districts from April 1. The ministry of
rural development recently sent stern orders to this effect to state
governments. All MGNREGA workers without a UID are supposed to be
"escorted" (sic) to enrolment centres, and after that to the bank so
that their Aadhaar number can be seeded into their bank account.
Everyone knows that it is impossible to do this by March 31, and that
MGNREGA workers without a UID will effectively be deprived of their
right to work from then on -- but who cares? Even those with a UID are
likely to face serious hardships as the system adjusts to this new and
daunting imposition from the Centre. Little has been learnt from
earlier experiences of similar top-down orders, such as the abrupt
switch to bank payments of MGNREGA wages in mid-2009, which caused
prolonged chaos and confusion.

As the ink dries on this article, another Supreme Court hearing on
this matter has been held (on March 16). The court heard evidence of
violations of earlier orders, including the case of a couple being
refused a civil marriage without UID. Final arguments are to be heard
from July 13 for disposal of the case. Meanwhile, the Central
government is expected to write to all chief secretaries and ask them
to ensure compliance with court orders. Hopefully, this will lead to
some rethinking of the government's invasive and coercive approach to
Aadhaar.

The writer, a former member of the UPA's National Advisory Council, is
visiting professor at the department of economics, Ranchi University
[email protected]

First Published on: March 19, 201512:54 am

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