http://www.statestimes.net/2012/04/evolving-situation-in-yemen-by-asif-haroon-raja.html

Evolving situation in Yemen

Asif Haroon raja


Sectarian and tribal divides in Yemen had sharpened during the long
rule of President Gen Ali Abdullah Saleh. Arab spring followed by
entry of Al-Qaeda made the internal situation in Yemen chaotic.
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) led Gulf States prevailed upon reluctant
Saleh to make way for his Vice President Mansour Al-Hadi in 2012. Hadi
got elected on February 21, 2012 election and received 99.2% votes,
but Houthi tribe in northeastern Yemen (9% of total population)
boycotted the election. The change however didn't improve the security
situation and it kept deteriorating. A new Islah Party affiliated to
Muslim Brotherhood joined Hadi's regime. Independence movement in
South Yemen sprouted up and Houthi rebels in the north also got
activated duly aided by loyalists of Saleh in Yemen Army and aided by
Iran. Saleh who is Zaidi had not reconciled to his ouster and
desperately wanted his son Ahmad Saleh, Commander Republican Guards,
to become the president. The turmoil allowed al-Qaeda to grow in
strength and it converted Yemen into its main base for the Arabian
Peninsula. Its fighters were subjected to 250 drone attacks by the US
from Socotra military base.

With the passage of time tribal groups in North Yemen that make up the
Houthi Ansarallah movement in which many are Zaidi Shias gained
strength and with active support of army units loyal to Saleh managed
to capture capital city of Sana'a in September 2014. President Hadi
was forced to sign a power sharing agreement. Finding faults in the
agreement, the Houthis seized the presidential palace in January 2015
and put Hadi under house arrest. Hadi managed to flee to Aden next
month and made it an alternative capital. Thereon, the power pendulum
swung in favor of Houthis and strength of Hadi loyalists kept
depleting. Once pressure built up, Hadi had to take flight from there
also and sought refuge in KSA. Bulk of port city of Aden is now under
the control of Houthis and intense battle is raging.

Explosive situation in Yemen made Arabian Peninsula vulnerable to
exploitation by foreign powers as well as Al-Qaeda and Islamic State
(IS) and thus a threat to the integrity and sovereignty of KSA. Amid
the building volcano in Yemen, the new KSA King Salman expectantly
looked towards KSA's traditional and closest ally Pakistan which had
always come to its aid in the times of crisis. Nawaz Sharif, already
indebted to Saudi hospitality during his decade long exile, and also
mindful of the liberal assistance doled out by Riyadh in the past, and
recent gift of $1.5 billion in the back of his mind, he promised all
out support. His spontaneous promise raised the expectations of KSA
leadership sky-high. However, when Saudis put in their bid for
division size composite force, fighter jets and naval warships to
fight the Houthi threat,  the government already enmeshed in host of
internal challenges as well as uncertain transition in Afghanistan,
ever belligerent India and not so friendly Iran, came under intense
pressure of opposition political parties and media. It was widely
speculated that Nawaz had consented at his own at the cost of
Pakistan's national interests. Public opinion seemed divided over
tackling Yemen crisis. While all were on one page to safeguard
integrity of KSA and two Holy Mosques, none wanted Pak Army to jump
into the cauldron of Yemen.

Mounting pressure compelled Nawaz to call a joint session of the
parliament to seek a consensus response action rather than letting the
Foreign Ministry in consultation with JS HQ/GHQ to handle the
situation. During the five-day marathon session many indulged in loose
talk and some passed acrimonious remarks against the Saudis. Yellow
journalism and talk shows further exacerbated things. KSA was held
responsible for the deteriorating situation in Muslim world in general
and Middle East in particular for promoting Salafist Islam. Pro-KSA
parliamentarians and media-persons blamed Iran for exporting Shiaism
in Middle East. Option of mediation prevailed upon confrontation.

At the end of the day the joint resolution which was quite balanced
was made controversial at the last minute by inserting the word
'neutrality' at the behest of PTI which had threatened to boycott.
Inadvertent slip into the hole of neutrality without realizing its
implications raised concerns among the leaders of Arab States that had
already formed a ten-member 'Joint Arab Force' led by KSA. The
resolution gave an impression that Pakistan was neither on the side of
Houthi rebels or Hadi government in exile and that it would play a
lead role as an honest mediator to end the Yemen crisis and arrive at
a political settlement.

It was by accident an all win-win resolution for Iran backed Houthis
and they couldn't have wished for more. Presently, Houthis are in
control of bulk of the country and have installed their government
under Abdul Malik Houthi. It is matter of time when they will be able
to dismantle most positions held by beleaguered Hadi loyalists in
southern Yemen including leftover pockets of Aden since air attacks
have done little to stem their tide. They are confident that air war
will not help the Arabs to win the war. They also know that the Arabs
would refrain from committing ground troops inside Yemen in the
backdrop of their bitter experiences in earlier conflicts. UN mandated
negotiations will also suit them since they would be negotiating from
the position of strength and would dictate terms.  In all this, Iran
would emerge is the chief gainer since it is the only country enjoying
strong influence over Houthis.

The issue at hand is not the security of KSA and Holy mosques in the
immediate timeframe, but that of threat to the Arabian Peninsula and
backyard of KSA. With Yemen and strategic chokepoint Bab al- Mandab in
its bag, it will become easier for Iran to create unrest in KSA,
particularly among its southern regions bordering northern Yemen where
the tribes are affiliated with each other and also the Shia heavy
province in Eastern KSA which had become restive in 2011 as a result
of Arab Spring. Gain in Yemen would strengthen Iran's arc around KSA
formed by Iran-Iraq-Iran-Hezbollah and would make its task of bringing
a regime change in Shia heavy Bahrain easier. It would establish
credentials of Iran as the regional policeman, a role aspired by KSA.

It was in the background of this perspective that KSA and other Gulf
States were displeased and disappointed with the wordings of
Pakistan's resolution. They felt offended that Pakistan had equated
legitimate regime of Hadi duly recognized by the UN with non-state
actors Houthis who had illegally and forcibly seized power. They felt
that Pakistan seemed more concerned about offending the sensibilities
of Iran and took KSA's threat perception lightly. They argued that KSA
and not Iran borders Yemen where KSA has traditionally maintained its
influence. They further bickered that neither Iran's backyard was
threatened nor Iran's integrity was under any threat and that Yemen
was situated 3000 miles away from Iran where Zaidi Shias and Shafi
Sunnis have co-existed harmoniously since centuries and after 1990
have been sharing power. UAE minister Gargash in utter frustration
passed undiplomatic remarks such as 'Pakistan will have to pay a
price'.

In the wake of new threat in the backyard of KSA and to Bab al Mandab
from where 4 million barrels of oil pass through daily and 60% of
world trade is done and the US-NATO expressing their inability to
commit ground troops, 22-member Arab League held an emergency meeting
at Sharm el Sheikh and agreed to form a 'Joint Arab Force' to counter
the threat. 40,000-strong force with 230 jet fighters/bombers will
take time to become operational since it has to develop mutual
harmony, coordination, planning and work out an operational plan how
to fight battle-hardened Houthis, adept in fighting and in possession
of 300 missiles with range of 500 km provided by Iran that can strike
any ship in Gulf of Aden and any target in KSA.

Egypt under Gen Sisi has expressed keenness to play a lead role in the
war to re-establish its credentials as leader of the Arab world, which
it had lost after signing peace treaty with Israel in 1979. Sisi is
indebted to KSA for recognizing his regime and providing $10 billion
assistance.  Although Egypt has promised to provide substantial air,
naval and land forces, it will avoid getting involved in ground
fighting inside Yemen because of its bitter experience in 1962-70
conflict in which it had lost 24000 soldiers fighting Houthis and KSA
was supporting their opponents. Exhaustion in this prolonged conflict
was a reason behind Egypt's shocking defeat at the hands of Israelis
in 1967 war.

KSA also has a rough experience in its fight with Houthis in 2009 in
which it lost over 300 soldiers in a span of 3 months. In the current
war, both Egypt and KSA are partners.  Yemen crisis has healed the
rift between KSA and Qatar over Muslim Brotherhood. All are on one
page to stem Iran's interventionist policy in Arab world.

KSA has deployed troops along its southern border facing Yemen and its
border guards have suffered few casualties in skirmishes at the hands
of Houthi fighters. The Arab Joint Force led by KSA started an air
campaign on March 26 at the request of Hadi and duly legitimized by
the UN. Jets are targeting Houthi positions and their military
installations including missiles arsenal. Fighting is going on in 15
of 22 provinces of Yemen. So far, 1300 air sorties have been launched.
Human and material collateral damage is increasing with every passing
day. 10,000 have been displaced while workers of other countries
evacuated.

The Arabs know that air war alone wouldn't fetch decisive results as
can be seen by continuing advances of Houthis. Mindful of the weakness
of the Arab militaries, KSA is looking towards Pakistan and Turkey to
join the Arab Force to put fear into the hearts of Houthis and also to
deter Iran as well as ISIS. It would prefer Pak Army to take on
Houthis directly, PAF to lead the air assault and Pak Navy to become
part of blockade of Gulf of Aden.

Houthis - army units loyal to Saleh nexus neither have the capacity to
overpower all regions of Yemen nor to retaliate against air attacks
because of non-availability of ack ack guns or to mount ground
invasion inside KSA. 3000 miles deep desert stretching from Yemen-KSA
border up to built up areas in depth is too formidable to traverse by
attackers.

Both Iran and Russia wanting to assist the Houthis do not have moral
ground to intervene since the two have no stakes in Yemen. Stationing
of three warships in Gulf of Aden by Iran has given rise to the fear
of Yemen crisis morphing into a bigger conflict. However, covert
assistance has become difficult in the wake of arms embargo imposed
upon Houthis by the UNSC on April 14th and Russia abstaining from
voting. Houthis have been asked to pull back from captured territories
and seek a political settlement. Foreign accounts/assets of Saleh and
his son Ahmad have been frozen and ban imposed on their travelling.
These development have to a large extent tilted the scales in favor of
Arab supported Hadi regime in exile. In case the US decides to target
Houthis with drones from Djibouti, it will add to their troubles. High
powered civil/military meeting chaired by the PM decided to back the
UNSC resolution and to send Shahbaz Sharif to Riyadh to remove
misunderstandings. .

Al-Qaeda and the IS will be major beneficiaries in case the war gets
prolonged. Suppression of Houthis will keep Yemen restive and will
create greater space for Al-Qaeda and the IS. In case the two groups
marry up in Yemen, it will make the overall situation more dangerous
and lead to uncontrollable civil war. In fact, Houthis are the most
organized force in Yemen and the only one that can stand up to the
threat of al-Qaeda and the IS.

Immediate ceasefire as demanded by Iran and Russia or even operational
pause will suit the Houthis since it will help them in receiving
military/logistics assistance and to consolidate their gains. Outcome
of immediate ceasefire will be akin to India-sought ceasefire in
January 1948 by which time Indian forces had annexed two-thirds of
Kashmir. Likewise, Houthis being in control of bulk of the country,
ceasefire at this stage will be to their advantage. In case of
proposed dialogue, they will sit on the negotiating table from
position of strength and dictate terms of their choice. Houthi
government in Yemen will be pro-Iran and anti-KSA. These stark
realities have impelled KSA and its Arab allies to disagree cessation
of air war till Houthis agree to surrender arms and re-establish Hadi
regime and then open dialogue. Iran should be convinced to stop its
interference in Yemen and to prevail upon Houthis to lay down arms and
opt for negotiations. KSA should also be advised to give peace a
chance.

The writer is a retired Brig, war veteran/defence
analyst/columnist/author of five books, Director Measac Research
Centre, Director Board of Governors TFP, Member Executive Council
PESS. [email protected]



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Peace Is Doable

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