http://www.asianage.com/books/who-got-away-gandhi-s-murder-637

Who got away with Gandhi's murder?
Apr 19, 2015 - Rakhahari Chatterji

Beyond Doubt: A Dossier on Gandhi's Assassination (Tulika 2015) by
Teesta Setalvad: Rs. 450

It is rather strange that the most regrettable assassination in the
immediate aftermath of Independence has been a rarely discussed topic
in India. Although the possibility of Mahatma Gandhi's assassination
was in the air for quite some time as several attempts had been made
on his life since 1934, these grew in intensity around the time of
Partition and Independence.

The last unsuccessful attempt was made on January 20, 1948, when one
Madan Lal Pahwa set off a bomb at the venue of Gandhi's prayer
meeting.

Pahwa was part of a group of conspirators which included Nathuram
Godse, who edited a Marathi journal in Poona called Hindu Rashtra,
Narayan Apte, the journal's manager, Gopal Godse, Nathuram's brother,
Digambar Badge, who ran an arms shop in Poona, Shankar Kistayya, who
was Badge's servant, and Vishnu Karkare from Ahmednagar. Pahwa was a
refugee from Pakistan and Karkare's assistant. Many of them were
Maharashtrian brahmins and their hero was Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,
also a Maharashtrian brahmin. Savarkar, allegedly, was part of the
conspiracy to kill Gandhi, but he was cleared of the charge by the
court trying the case. For some years past, this group had been trying
to get close to Gandhi with conspiratorial intentions. Godse was
possibly present among a group of people creating commotion in
Gandhi's prayer meeting in Panchgani in July 1944 and again in
Sevagram in 1946.

On the morning of January 20, 1948, this group had visited Birla House
in Delhi where Gandhi was staying, to survey the place of his prayer
meeting. In the evening, during the prayer, the bomb blast took place
but the rest of the plan could not be carried out. Having read the
news report on the bomb blast, Prof. Jagdish Chandra Jain of Bombay
recalled Pahwa whom he had known through his work in the refugee
camps. Pahwa had told him of the conspiracy to kill Gandhi which the
professor had taken as an expression of refugee anger. Now with this
news he thought it prudent to inform Bombay home minister, Morarji
Desai, of the plan and the names of some of the conspirators that
Pahwa had shared with him. Desai, in turn, immediately shared this
information with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the Union home minister.
These details are part of the deposition made by Morarji Desai himself
to the Justice J.L. Kapur Commission which was appointed in 1966-67 to
investigate the conspiracy behind the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi.

The release of Gopal Godse, Pahwa and Karkare in 1964, and the
resultant celebrations in Poona led to public outrage and setting up
of the Pathak Commission. But when Pathak became Central minister and
then governor of Mysore, the then Union home minister, Gulzarilal
Nanda, appointed the Kapur Commission in 1966.

Teesta Setalvad, the well-known social activist and compiler of the
book, skips this detail about the Kapur Commission in her long
introduction that sets the documents in an appropriate context.

The leads given by Prof. Jagdish Chandra Jain were not taken with the
seriousness they deserved, nor followed up by energetic action either
on the part of the department of home affairs of Bombay or Union
ministry of home affairs. Some police bandobast was made by Patel
despite Gandhi's resistance to have police present in his prayer
meetings. But the bandobast was rather poor.

As Jagan Phadnis, in Last Days of the Mahatma (Mahatmyachi Akher),
says, "In September 1947 there was an inspector and four head
constables on the bandobast. It was increased after January 20, 1948,
to an assistant inspector, two sub-inspectors and 16 constables... One
of the officers, A.N. Bhatia, did not turn up for the bandobast on
January 30, 1948. He had neither taken leave, nor did he attend...
sub-inspector Amarnath attended the place of the bandobast late".

Jagan Phadnis' book in its entirety, and in English translation from
the Marathi original, occupies a large part of the volume under
review.

Setalvad has put together many pieces earlier published in Communalism
Combat, Economic and Political Weekly, Organiser, Frontline etc., as
well as certain archival documents, letters of important national
leaders, excerpts from crucial interviews -- all related to Gandhi's
assassination. The whole volume is expected to serve as an
indispensable collection for understanding the tragic event.

Setalvad's effort was triggered by the apprehension that these
documents might be permanently lost through destruction.

She notes, "All these and other archival documents are today under
grave threat of destruction by the present government... Between June 5
and July 7, 2014, i.e. within 9 to 39 days of assuming power, 11,100
files of the ministry of home affairs were destroyed by the
government... Following an uproar in Parliament in its then ongoing
Monsoon Session, home minister Rajnath Singh said that 'documents
pertaining to Mahatma Gandhi, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Louis Mountbatten
and others are safe.' However, there is no clear information to date
on the issue and the suspicion remains that these papers may have been
destroyed; neither is there an unequivocal assurance on the
preservation of crucial Central and Provincial government documents
relating to the Gandhi assassination, the RSS and the Hindu
Mahasabha".

As far as Gandhi's assassination is concerned, the varied material in
Beyond Doubt: A Dossier on Gandhi's Assassination clearly establishes
that there were strange coincidences which required to be seriously
and immediately investigated by the highest level of the government.
If the incident of January 20 had been taken more seriously and the
police had been encouraged to act energetically in investigating and
arresting the persons involved, probably the tragedy of January 30
could have been avoided.

There was also the feeling and allegations about the possible
involvement of a wide network of individuals and groups. Gandhi
himself hinted at this when he said in his prayer meeting the next
day, "Those who are behind him or whose tool he is, should know that
this sort of thing will not save Hinduism. If Hinduism has to be saved
it will be saved through such work as I am doing..." (Rajmohan Gandhi,
Mohandas). Although no evidence was found linking the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh with the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, suspicion
remained, as expressed by none other than Sardar Patel. The Sardar
wrote to Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee on July 18, 1948: "...As regards the
RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha... our reports do confirm that, as a result
of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former (RSS),
an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly
tragedy became possible."

And to Golwalkar, the RSS chief, Patel wrote on September 11, 1948:
"...All their (RSS persons) speeches were full of communal poison... As a
final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of
the valuable life of Gandhiji".

The sources included in the volume under review go to show that
Gandhi's assassination was the result of a long cherished ideology of
hatred and violence rather than being the product of such immediate
issues like the Partition or Gandhi's insistence on paying `55 crore
to Pakistan as part of the terms of division of assets and
liabilities. The volume puts beyond doubt that a nation cannot be
respectful to Gandhi and at the same time build memorials to Godse.

There are some unavoidable repetitions as a number of sources for the
same event have been put together in the book. Stephen Murphy's The
Last Hours of the Mahatma is a moving description of that fateful day.
Readers should have been provided with some information about Murphy.

The compiler's on the whole, Setalvad's volume is a valuable
contribution to an understanding of the circumstances of Gandhi's
murder.

Dr Rakhahari Chatterji is a retired professor and an
adviser at Observer Research Foundation, Kolkata

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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