http://scroll.in/article/727812/why-the-children-of-the-poor-must-not-be-allowed-to-work-in-family-enterprises

OPINION
Why the children of the poor must not be allowed to work in family enterprises
Harsh Mander  · Today · 08:45 am
Why the children of the poor must not be allowed to work in family enterprises
Photo Credit: IANS

Allowing children to labour is a collective crime in which each of us
is culpable.
The shocking decision of the Union Cabinet to legalise child work
after school hours in family enterprises must compel us to turn an
unflinching spotlight on one of our gravest, and collectively
forgotten, cruelties: the theft of the childhood and hopes of Indian
children whose only crime is to be born into poverty and disadvantaged
castes and religions. Even today, the majority of children in the
world who are still trapped in labour are born and raised in India.

Unconscionably, the law outlawed child work only in notified
"hazardous" occupations, a list to which domestic help was added only
a few years ago. Beyond 14 years, even this prohibition disappeared.
Both the middle classes and governments did not find it problematic
that children of disadvantage are being forced to squander their
childhoods labouring on farms and in factories, in waste heaps and
roadside eateries and in our homes, while we aspire for the best for
our own children.

In the United States, a couple filed a suit against the Department of
Labour for opposing their children working in the family business of a
pizzeria. The parents' argument was similar to that of the government
here: the children are not being paid, they go to school, and they are
learning to be a part of family enterprise. But as a legal expert
argued in that case: parents aren't alone in having a stake in
children. Society does, too. The children of the poor indeed are also
all our children.

The social fabric

The previous United Progressive Alliance government, responding to
decades of child rights activism, belatedly proposed amendments to the
Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act, 1986. These sought to ban
all child work until the age of 14 years. The amendments also proposed
prohibiting children between the ages 14 and 18 from employment in
hazardous employment. (It is scandalous that there is no legal bar
until then to such employment.)

But sadly because of the stalling of Parliament in the twilight months
of the last government, and low public priority to child issues, this
amendment never came up for voting.

Recently, the Union cabinet approved one progressive aspect of those
proposed amendments: the ban on employment of children between 14 and
18 years in hazardous employment. I would have liked to see a complete
ban on all child work.

But while requiring every child below 14 years to study in regular
school, the new amendment disgracefully seeks to legalise child labour
in "non-hazardous" work after school hours or during vacations,
helping the family in fields, forests and home-based work. "We don't
want to redraw the social fabric of Indian society where children
learn by participating in work with family elders," a government
official is quoted as saying. Another senior officer I spoke to asked,
"What is wrong with this? Should not the son of a lohar or ironsmith,
learn to be an ironsmith, or of a weaver to be a weaver?"

Casteist worldviews

My answer is: why indeed should the son of a blacksmith learn to be a
blacksmith or a rag-picker's daughter to pick waste? Why can't he
learn to be a poet and she a nuclear scientist, if these are where
their dreams soar? And why can't your son or my daughter learn to be
an ironsmith or a weaver?

And secondly, when your child and mine come home from school, they
rest, play, watch television, receive tuitions, do their homework, and
in general enjoy the delights of carefree childhood. During their
vacations, we plan for their travel, recreation, leisure reading,
sports and hobbies, the best that money can buy. They never spend
these post-school hours, weekends and holidays labouring in farms and
shops, in embroidery or weaving, cleaning dishes and sweeping floors,
moulding bricks, and sorting waste.

Why then are we so comfortable with such different childhoods for
children born elsewhere? Why is it alright for children of the poor to
labour after school and for our children to rest and play? And why
must working-class children be trained specially in the trade of their
parents and children born to the middle-classes exempted from all
working class responsibilities and options?

This is nothing if not the idea of caste which remains deeply embedded
in the worldviews of the upper-caste middle classes. The social
commonsense persists that children of the poor and disadvantaged
castes basically need to be trained not to work their minds but their
hands, and upper-caste and upper class children for intellectual
vocations. The alternate democratic idea that the potential for
intellectual achievement is likely to be evenly distributed within all
social, economic and religious groups has not permeated.

New economics

We must indeed argue for the dignity of labour. Let us conduct a
social debate about including work with one's hands as an intrinsic
part of school education. This was an idea which Gandhi favoured in
his nai taleem. But for this, first let children of the rich labour
with their hands during or after school hours. Let them sweep floors
and toilets, mould iron and bricks, weave cloth. I think this would be
a magnificent education for them. Only then would I be content in
endorsing these exertions for children of poor and low-caste parents.

The new economic growth model is pushing more and more work from
factory floors to homes. In cramped, poorly lit and barely ventilated
slum shanties, children bend over for hours moulding, stitching,
embroidering, weaving and folding. Farm work entails continuous
contact with toxic pesticides and fertilisers. All such work is
hazardous. No labour is non-hazardous for children.

Making our children labour is a collective crime in which each one of
us is culpable. The true reason for remaking child work lawful is the
belief that in the global market, India benefits by lower-priced goods
produced by children. Children are preferred to adult workers because
they are submissive and low-paid, or because adults refuse work which
is very unsafe and poorly paid. But do we really wish to build India's
growth on the thin shoulders of impoverished working children?

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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