[Few social programmes in India are more resented by the corporate
sector than the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
(MGNREGA). This is easy to understand, considering that one of the
primary aims of the MGNREGA is to empower workers and reduce their
dependence on private employers. Naturally, employers see this as a
threat to the availability of cheap and docile labour.]

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/the-digging-holes-myth-2/

The digging-holes myth
The view of MGNREGA as a makeshift work programme is far off the mark.

Recent research suggests that the Centre has a misguided view of how
MGNREGA works can be made more productive.

Written by Jean Dreze | Published on:July 1, 2015 2:56 am

***Few social programmes in India are more resented by the corporate
sector than the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
(MGNREGA). This is easy to understand, considering that one of the
primary aims of the MGNREGA is to empower workers and reduce their
dependence on private employers. Naturally, employers see this as a
threat to the availability of cheap and docile labour.*** [Emphasis
added.] This resentment tends to generate a steady stream of
criticism. Going by these reports, one would think that public works
initiated under the MGNREGA are wholly useless. As a recent editorial
put it, “…in most places across the country, this [MGNREGA] meant
digging up trenches for no purpose whatsoever and then filling them
up”. No evidence was provided for this sweeping statement.
During the last few years, I have seen hundreds of MGNREGA works, and
I do not remember a single case that resembled digging trenches and
filling them up. Sure, I have seen some useless MGNREGA works (like a
pond being built at the top of a hill in Sonbhadra district, Uttar
Pradesh), but I have also seen many useful ones. Given the lack of
careful studies on the productive value of MGNREGA works, the larger
picture is not very clear. But some recent studies suggest that the
view of MGNREGA as a makeshift work programme is far off the mark.

Among them is a pioneering study by Sudha Narayanan and her colleagues
at the Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, who examined
4,100 MGNREGA assets scattered over 100 villages of Maharashtra. Among
the sample works, 87 per cent were functional and 75 per cent
contributed directly or indirectly to better agriculture. An
overwhelming majority (90 per cent) of the users of these MGNREGA
works considered them “very useful” or “somewhat useful”. As the
principal author notes, MGNREGA workers in Maharashtra have “replaced
scrublands with forests, built earthen structures for impounding water
and preventing soil erosion, cleared lands and levelled them to make
them cultivable”, among other activities (available at
arcg.is/1QYdt8y). This is hardly “playing with mud”, to quote another
colourful description of MGNREGA work from the mainstream media.
While the Maharashtra study focuses mainly on people’s perceptions,
another recent study (by Anjor Bhaskar and Pankaj Yadav at the
Institute for Human Development) looks at the objective measures of
economic returns on MGNREGA works in Jharkhand. This study inspected
nearly 1,000 randomly selected dug wells constructed under the MGNREGA
in the last few years. Interestingly, the proportion of completed
wells in the sample (70 to 80 per cent depending on whether one
insists on the construction of a parapet) was not too different from
official estimates for the same gram panchayats. Further, most of the
completed structures were very well used, especially to grow
vegetables and other high-value crops, but also to bathe, water
domestic animals and even grow fish, among other possible uses.
Looking just at the impact on agricultural productivity, the authors
estimate (from a sub-sample of about 100 randomly selected wells) that
MGNREGA wells have a financial rate of return of 6 per cent or so in
real terms. This is a very respectable rate of return, on par with
many industrial projects. And please note, this estimate focuses on
plain financial returns, not social rates of return — the latter would
be higher, if only because the social opportunity cost of a day’s
labour is typically lower than the MGNREGA wage. Despite considerable
hassle at the construction stage, sometimes even leading them to sell
some property, almost all well-owners were glad that they had built a
well.

The study also sheds some useful light on the reasons for
non-completion of a significant minority of MGNREGA wells in
Jharkhand. In some cases, technical problems (for example, stony
ground) were to blame, but more often, the well had collapsed during
the monsoon because of delays in the reimbursement of material
expenses. From these and other lessons, there are possibilities of
ensuring even more productive projects in the future.
The findings cited are consistent with those of other recent studies
in the same vein, notably by the Indian Institute of Science, the
International Water Management Institute and the University of
Allahabad. More evidence is certainly needed to form a clear view of
the
productive value of MGNREGA works in general, but as things stand,
there is no reason for despondency.

Finally, recent research suggests that the Central government has a
misguided view of how MGNREGA works can be made more productive. The
basic assumption tends to be that the best way to enhance the
productivity of MGNREGA works is to raise the material-labour ratio.
In fact, there is no evidence that material-intensive works (for
instance, building pucca structures) are generally more productive
than labour-intensive works (for example, land-levelling or
contour-bunding). Most states today have an average material-labour
ratio below the stipulated maximum of 40:60, and there is no obvious
reason why this upper limit should be raised. A more effective step
would be to improve technical support and supervision for all MGNREGA
works, irrespective of the material-labour ratio. This would also be a
good opportunity to enhance the skill-building role of the MGNREGA.

It is often said that the MGNREGA should be reoriented towards skill
formation instead of casual labour. This overlooks the fact that the
MGNREGA is already one the largest skill-building programmes of the
Central government. Lakhs of women and men are learning technical,
administrative and social skills as gram rozgar sevaks, programme
officers, worksite mates, barefoot engineers, data entry operators and
social auditors under the programme. Since MGNREGA functionaries are
mainly contractual workers, many of them eventually move on and make
use of these skills in the private sector. Building up these
skill-formation activities as an integral component of the MGNREGA
would be an excellent way of taking the entire programme forward,
instead of planning for its quiet burial.

The writer is visiting professor, department of economics, Ranchi University.

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Peace Is Doable

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