[Prime Minister Narendra Modi swept to power on the avowed promise of
providing a corruption free government. Now, when a cabinet minister
and two of BJP’s chief ministers have serious allegations of
corruption, impropriety and conflict of interest against them, he
should, in keeping with his own promise, break his cynical maun vrat
and make a statement in Parliament.
In that statement he should assure Parliament that all the allegations
will be impartially investigated, and until the accused are fully
exonerated they shall, in consonance with the highest traditions of
public life, which he and his party have vehemently espoused, tender
their resignation. Parliament will begin to function from that very
moment.]

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/bjps-convenient-amnesia-why-the-onus-for-making-parliament-function-rests-with-the-ruling-party/

BJP’s convenient amnesia: Why the onus for making Parliament function
rests with the ruling party
August 1, 2015, 12:00 AM IST Pavan K Varma in TOI Edit Page | Edit
Page, India | TOI

My good friend M J Akbar has written in these columns (July 27) about
the need for Parliament to function. I entirely agree with him. The
sorry spectacle of the highest temple of our democracy repeatedly
subjected to noisy disruptions is hardly an edifying one.
It is instructive to note that in its entire history the House of
Commons has not been adjourned for a single day. Soon, however, we may
create a record whereby not a single day goes when our Parliament is
not adjourned!

Why has Parliament not functioned for the last few days? Is the
current Opposition congenitally disruptive, especially in Rajya Sabha
where its strength matters? If this was the case 48 Bills would not
have been passed or considered in the Rajya Sabha where the ruling
party is in a minority, including crucial legislations relating to
coal, insurance and mines and minerals.

On many of these laws the Opposition had reservations, but there was
constructive cooperation with the Treasury benches keeping overall
national interest in mind. The current impasse hinges entirely on one
question: Has there been in Lalitgate, and the horrific Vyapam scam,
verifiable evidence of corruption, impropriety and blatant conflict of
interest?
The honest answer appears to be an emphatic yes, and the facts have
been in the public realm for weeks before Parliament resumed. However,
BJP has decided to unethically brazen it out and deny all wrongdoing.

No investigation by an independent agency has been ordered against
foreign minister Sushma Swaraj or Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara
Raje. In the case of Vyapam, while chief minister Shivraj Chouhan has
finally accepted CBI intervention, he continues to head the
administration the agency will probe.

None of them have been asked to resign. That should have been the
morally correct thing to do as a first step; if exonerated they could
be reinstated. That, at least, is what BJP wanted ministers in the UPA
government to do. And that is what their own leader L K Advani did in
1996, when his name surfaced in the hawala scam. Advani immediately
resigned his Lok Sabha seat, and stood (successfully) for re-election
only in 1998 when his name was cleared.
Parliament is also a forum of accountability and ironically, on
corruption, it was BJP that said so most vociferously. In
parliamentary practice amnesia may be convenient but precedents
matter. Sushma Swaraj, as Opposition leader in the previous Lok Sabha,
said that “not allowing Parliament to function is also a form of
democracy, like any other form”. Arun Jaitley, her counterpart in the
Rajya Sabha, publicly endorsed her sentiments.

BJP made the demand for resignations first and discussions later into
a cacophonic art form. Such an approach extended also to ministers who
were only accused of alleged ‘impropriety’, like Ashwani Kumar.

The Supreme Court did not reprimand him for any wrongdoing. But BJP
did not allow Parliament to function for weeks until he resigned only
to enable Parliament to function. When BJP was in Opposition, session
upon session was wiped out without any work.
Important bills, which BJP is pressing for now, were pending even
then. Why such spectacular double standards today when the sides have
been reversed?

However, a blind policy of tit for tat is hardly the answer to make
Parliament function. The impasse must be broken. I have a solution for
consideration.

***Prime Minister Narendra Modi swept to power on the avowed promise
of providing a corruption free government. Now, when a cabinet
minister and two of BJP’s chief ministers have serious allegations of
corruption, impropriety and conflict of interest against them, he
should, in keeping with his own promise, break his cynical maun vrat
and make a statement in Parliament.*** [Emphasis added.]

***In that statement he should assure Parliament that all the
allegations will be impartially investigated, and until the accused
are fully exonerated they shall, in consonance with the highest
traditions of public life, which he and his party have vehemently
espoused, tender their resignation. Parliament will begin to function
from that very moment.*** [Emphasis added.]

It is accepted parliamentary practice that the primary responsibility
to make the House run lies with the Treasury benches. BJP itself has
endlessly reiterated this. The initiative to break the impasse must,
therefore, also come from the ruling party.

A gesture of this nature would not shrink the PM’s acclaimed chest
size, but add to it. It would not be ‘weak’ governance but good
governance, and it is long overdue.

The offer of ‘discussions’ has little meaning since BJP has, in spite
of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, stubbornly maintained that
no one is guilty. If the Opposition were to agree to a discussion, BJP
would only reiterate its untenable position and seek to make counter
allegations against Congress, which will lead nowhere since two wrongs
don’t make one wrong right. Parliament is not a court of law, nor is
discussion a substitute for investigation and action.

The spectacle of a non-functioning Parliament greatly diminishes
India’s democratic image. There are important laws waiting to be
debated and enacted, including GST. BJP must enable Parliament to
function by walking the talk when it claims the moral high ground.

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.
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Peace Is Doable

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