[While on climate justice, or injustice, it needs be acknowledged that
there are, in the main, three types of injustice operating.

One, while the Global North, generally with colder climes, are
responsible for the bulk of the emissions, it is the Global South,
much warmer to begin with, is set to bear the most of the burden.
Two, within any particular country, while the rich are
disproportionately responsible for the emissions, it is the poor who
suffer far more lacking gravely the wherewithal to adjust.
Finally, the past and present generations enjoyed/enjoy an
unsustainable lifestyle at the great cost of the generations yet
unborn and who bear no responsibility whatever for the profligacy of
the foreparents.]

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Anant Phadke <[email protected]>
Date: Sat, 5 Dec 2015 14:19:53 +0530
Subject: good editorial by Sunita Narain


*EDITORIAL*
==========
Alternative Paris

by Sunita Narain


I wrote last about what I expect will happen at the Paris climate change
conference. But what should happen? First, the world must strongly
underscore the need to keep the temperature rise below 2°C at the very
least. Today, with less than 1°C rise, the world is beginning to
experience deadly impacts. In India, we are seeing weird weather,
extreme rainfall events and highly variable temperatures that have
become the bane of agriculture, destroying crops and causing deep
distress. Clearly, even 2°C rise will be too much, but promising
anything more ambitious would be delusional. It would mean greatly
increasing the rate of emission reduction by the already industrialised
countries which is crucial but highly unlikely.

Current emission reduction plans on the table, called Intended
Nationally Determined Contributions (INDC), do not add up. Even the UN
accepts that the aggregate impact of all the plans will result in a
2.7°C rise. Our analysis shows this is a gross underestimate and that
the rise could be well above 3°C. This is when the burden of transition
has shifted—analysis of INDC shows clearly that the already
industrialised, who have historical responsibility to cut emissions, are
doing one-fifth of their share.The developing world is taking on this
action.

Secondly, all must agree that countries will increase their level of
ambition to cut emissions and that this reduction will be based on the
fair share of the global carbon budget. This is because arresting the
rise in temperature means agreeing to how much carbon dioxide can be
emitted between 1870 and 2100. There is a direct correlation between
temperature increase and quantum of emissions that can fill up the
atmosphere. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,
to keep the world below 2°C, with a 66 per cent probability, the budget
is some 2,900 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide between 1870 and 2100.

Paris agreement must accept that all countries have the right to
development and that this requires equitable sharing of the global
carbon budget. Of the 2,900 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide, some 1,900
billion tonnes have been used up—this amount of carbon dioxide is
already accumulated in the atmosphere. There are some 1,000 billion
tonnes left, which can be emitted between now and 2100. But there are
two other facts to be noted.

One, that the already industrialised countries have overused their
carbon quota. But more importantly, their lack of ambition means they
will continue to surreptitiously appropriate even more of the budget.
The US, for instance, has already used up some 21 per cent of the total
carbon budget. Between now and 2030, as per its lacklustre INDC, it will
take up another 8 per cent. In this way the INDC is not just a country’s
commitment to reduce emissions, it is its intention to occupy global
carbon space.

Two, by 2030, according to the current emission targets on the table,
some 80 per cent of the carbon budget will be used up. In other words,
what is available to the world to use up to 2100 will be nearly finished
by 2030. This would be fine if all countries were at equal levels of
development and would not require any space for growth beyond 2030. But
this is hardly the case. India and almost all of Africa, even under the
most aggressive plans for growth, would still be struggling to meet the
basic needs of people beyond 2030. But by then the carbon budget would
be all appropriated and gone. What happens to their right to development?

So, thirdly, and most crucially, Paris must agree to operationalise
equity by accepting that the level of effort of each country’s INDC will
be equal to its share of the global carbon budget. Anything less would
be development apartheid. Anything less would be gross climate injustice.

Fourthly, to ensure ambition and also operationalise equity, it must
agree that it will “stocktake” the commitments made by countries. These
commitments must ensure that the world stays below 2°C rise and reflect
the equitable sharing of the global carbon budget.

Fifthly, the Paris agreement must recognise that it is the world’s poor
who are worst hit, even though they are least responsible for the
emissions that are leading the world to a climate precipice. The current
draft only has some broad statements about the need for all governments
to build resilient systems to adapt to climate change. This must change
to protect the interests of the poorest and to ensure that not only is
the loss and damage estimated but payment is made.

Finally, Paris must build the framework for future action, real and
meaningful, to combat climate change. To do this it must identify key
actions that can be supported through global funding—not ways in which
aid is passed off as climate support—to make the transition towards
low-carbon growth. The best way to share the limited carbon budget is if
countries find ways not to use the space at all. This has to be the
promise at Paris.

- Follow Sunita Narain on Twitter: @sunitanar
- To post your comments on this editorial online, please visit:
http://www.downtoearth.org.in/blog/alternative-paris-51916



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Peace Is Doable

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