http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/burhan-wani-hizbul-mujahideen-killing-protest-jk-violence-azadi-struggle-column-2907932/

Face the disillusion

In its new phase, the ‘azadi’ struggle in Kashmir is leaderless, and
has a strong death wish.

Written by Nirupama Subramanian | Updated: July 12, 2016 11:28 am

The security establishment may well conclude that there were faceless
entities orchestrating the arrival of the tens of thousands of
mourners from across the state over WhatsApp and other social media,
that there were over ground workers in the crowd provoking the acts of
violence. (Express Photo by Shuaib Masoodi)

Back in April, when Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani was still
alive, young boys in his home town of Tral declared they were readying
for a long struggle in which there would be no leaders. My colleague
Basharat Masood and I were in Tral to report on the new militancy
centred in South Kashmir, and that remark came when we observed that
Burhan and the other militants with him were likely to be captured
soon as the police had already eliminated many of them and were said
to be closing in on him.

“New militants will come. We are safe now because we have already
transferred the struggle to the next generation. The cause is bigger
than the individual. Even if [Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah] Geelani
or [Hizbul Mujahideen leader Syed] Salahuddin side with India, our
struggle will not end.” The Centre would try and engage with Kashmir,
they said, “but they will find no one to engage with, because there
will be no leaders, no one subscribes to any leaders any more”.

Read: Her MLAs fearful, CM Mufti asks ministers to step out

Leaders made compromises, they said. Even though many of these boys
were not born or were infants at the time, in their minds was
inscribed the notion that the previous generation of militants took up
the gun because they wanted to become high officials in Kashmir,
liberated or not. “Some of them thought, here comes azadi, now I can
become a minister, may be even prime minister”. Burhan, on the other
hand, was seen to be “pure”, because he had no such “greed”, no
political ambition.

There were no leaders at Burhan’s funeral on Saturday. The security
establishment may well conclude that there were faceless entities
orchestrating the arrival of the tens of thousands of mourners from
across the state over WhatsApp and other social media, that there were
over ground workers in the crowd provoking the acts of violence.

kashmir-protest-759 (Express Photo by Shuaib Masoodi)

That may or may not be true. But the mourners who streamed into Tral
from all parts of the state did not believe that they were acting on
anyone’s instructions. As they took over the roads leading to Tral,
burning tyres and pelting stones, policing the massive influx of
people, in their minds they were reacting in spontaneous anger.

Read: Pellets take a toll, 92 eye surgeries and counting

As Kashmir boils over at the killing, it is this leaderlessness, and
the new ideal of the “azadi” struggle as one that ends in death and a
hero’s funeral that should worry the security and political
establishment. Even a call for calm by Geelani has not helped defuse
the situation. Young Kashmiris continue to revere him as the only
leader who has “not compromised” but even he was not spared, as
protestors jeered at his appeal.

This is not a situation that developed overnight. Since 2008, when the
Mumbai attacks put talks with Pakistan in the freezer and all attempts
at a restart tripped up repeatedly, the disillusionment of a new
generation of Kashmiri youth has grown, with the continuing presence
of the military, Centre’s insistence on keeping AFSPA, and continuing
human rights violations, all erupting in the stone pelting agitation
of 2010. Then, anger over the 112 deaths of young boys in that episode
segued into popular discontent over the 2014 alliance between the PDP
and BJP in the last two years, bringing the Valley closer to the
bruising debates in the national arena over what to eat and who to
marry.

Meanwhile, for a full decade now, since the round table exercise by
the previous government under then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,
there has been no political initiative by the Centre in the Valley
except the doomed three-member interlocutors panel set up to find out
views on the ground and suggest ways to address the issue. Its report
has lain in cold storage since 2011. It is the same with the
recommendations of the round table committees. That has left the
moderate factions of the Hurriyat, which participated in the round
table process, in the cold. They had nothing to show for their
compromise, and it diminished them in the eyes of a new generation of
Kashmiris.

Read: Young protesters in Valley have always defied logic, says BJP
Secy Farooq Khan
The NDA government has made it clear that it wants nothing to do with
either the moderates or hardliners in the Hurriyat, nothwithstanding a
cursory line in the BJP-PDP “agenda for alliance” that “the state
government will facilitate and help initiate a sustained and
meaningful dialogue with all internal stakeholders which includes
political groups irrespective of their ideological views and
predilections”. If the Centre is firm that it will deal only with the
elected representatives in Kashmir and mainstream political parties,
the NDA government has hardly been proactive in facilitating even the
implementation of the doable political promises in the coalition’s
common programme, despite entreaties by the PDP and Chief Minister
Mehbooba Mufti.

With infiltration down and fewer incidents of terror strikes in
Kashmir, the smugness in the political and security establishment has
been apparent. Only a few thousand Kashmiris protesting on the
streets, only a handful of militants, we can do encounters, we can do
crowd control, it is all very manageable, has been the confident
refrain.

kashmir-protest-759-1 (Express Photo by Shuaib Masoodi)

But the problem with this is that it is almost entirely security
driven. It has meant firing into crowds of youngsters with lethal
weapons, resulting in deaths or life-impairing injuries — many boys
hit by pellets are landing up at eye hospitals in Amritsar for
treatment with their parents fearing their sons might be picked up by
police if they went to local hospitals. It has meant taking out
militants, which did not seem to matter so long as they were from
across the border, but has taken on an entirely different meaning
after Kashmiri boys began following Burhan’s example. The fierce
resistance put up by local communities, from under 10-year-olds to
senior citizens, at encounter sites, and the mass displays of anger
more than grief at their funerals, is now all too well known. The
police say that the death in encounter of a local militant is a sad
event, yet security forces repeat such encounters and are each time
taken by surprise at the public reaction.

What this approach has done is to bring out kids as young as 8 or
12-years old, to whom defiance of the Indian state is now as natural
as playing cricket. Each death, of a militant or protestor, has become
a celebration of this defiance, triggering more protests, adding more
grievances, increasing the alienation. In death, Burhan has caused
more turmoil in two days than in his six years as a militant. In
April, Burhan’s father, Muzaffar Ahmad Wani, a school teacher, had
told The Indian Express: “Kashmir is on fire. If India wants to douse
it, they need to use water, not oil”. That, really, is the lesson from
Kashmir’s weekend of fury.

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Peace Is Doable

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